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Hospice Nurses Reach Tentative Bargaining Agreement with Allina Health
Allina Health hospice nurses represented by SEIU Healthcare Minnesota & Iowa have reached a tentative agreement with their employer on their first
South Korean shipbuilders face potential mass strikes
South Korea’s shipbuilding industry faces mounting headwinds as wage and collective bargaining talks continue, with HD Hyundai Heavy Industries Company Ltd. and Hanwha Ocean Company Ltd.
Former ASU swimmer Grant House helped reshape college sports
Five years after becoming the lead plaintiff in House v. NCAA, former Arizona State swimmer Grant House reflects on the lawsuit that helped reshape college athletics, the leadership lessons he learned and his continued fight for athletes’ voices and collective bargaining with the Protect College Sports Act making its way through Congress.
The Houthis: Iran’s bargaining chip with Washington
The US views talks with the Houthis as a way to contain the scope of the conflict with Iran, while Tehran sees them as a means to translate military gains in the Red Sea into political gains
Brownsville Leaders Approve New Agreement with Police Officers’ Association
The Brownsville City Commission on Tuesday approved a new Collective Bargaining Agreement between the City of Brownsville and the Brownsville Police Officers’ Association, strengthening compensation and benefits for the men and women who serve the community through the Brownsville Police Department.
How Our Health Care May Be at Stake if We Don't Fight
If you care about keeping the affordable health care CSU faculty enjoy, one of management’s bargaining proposals should alarm you and spur you to join our
Notes: MLB expansion, position players pitching, 2028 Olympics
One aspect of the upcoming labor battle this offseason, after the collective bargaining agreement expires on December 1, is Major League Baseballs desire to expand from 30 to 32 teams. MLB’s last expansion was in 1998, and Jeff Passan at ESPN in his outline of potential new cities notes that commissioner Rob Manfred wants the […]
Microsoft-owned Blizzard, video game union ratify contract
Nearly 1,900 employees across multiple divisions of Microsoft subsidiary Blizzard Entertainment have ratified a union contract with the video game developer, following two years of bargaining. Communications Workers of America,
Allina Health hospice nurses announce 7-day strike
More than 60 hospice nurses at Allina Health say they will walk off the job on Friday after a final bargaining session ended without a deal.
Allina Health doctors file 10-day strike notice
MPR News host Cathy Wurzer spoke with Dr. Saul Singh, bargaining team member for the Doctors Council SEIU, about the strike notice.
Blizzard Workers Ratify Union Contract With Microsoft
Blizzard's many disparate unions are also being condensed into three groups for ease of future bargaining
Logan Health primary care providers sign no-confidence vote
Logan Health primary care providers are raising concerns about leadership, signing a vote of no confidence.The vote comes after months of bargaining between Log
Labor unions are growing, but where depends on state politics
A new study shows U.S. union membership grew by over 411,000 workers last year, with collective bargaining states driving three times the growth of right-to-work states.
Union healthcare workers protect NJ patients when laws and regulators cannot
Healthcare workers and patients face a growing threat that cannot be addressed through collective bargaining alone, nurse Debbie White writes.
Op-Ed: On Labor Day, commit to guarding union rights under threat
New Jersey was at the forefront of collective bargaining, and we owe it to long-ago workers to stand against Trump's attacks
Logan Health Primary Care Providers Sign Vote of 'No Confidence' in Leadership
Just over half a year after Logan Health primary care providers unionized, providers signed a vote of no confidence in the hospital’s primary care leadership. Despite months of being in the bargaining process with Logan Health and representatives from the Union of American Physicians and Dentists (UAPD), providers wrote they “no longer have confidence that […]
Mental Health Workers Say Algorithmic Triage Is Hurting Patients
Workers and policymakers are pushing for safeguards around AI’s use in health care through collective bargaining and legislation.
Boston Symphony Orchestra and musicians extend contract for 48 hours, a sign they may avert strike
The Boston Symphony Orchestra and its musicians have agreed to a 48-hour extension of their collective bargaining agreement. This move suggests they could be nearing a deal to prevent the
Boston Symphony Orchestra and musicians extend contract for 48 hours, delaying possible first strike
The Boston Symphony Orchestra has agreed with its musicians to extend their collective bargaining agreement by 48 hours | WBBM Newsradio 780 AM & 105.9 FM
Boston Symphony Orchestra and musicians extend contract for 48 hours, delaying possible first strike
The Boston Symphony Orchestra has agreed with its musicians to extend their collective bargaining agreement by 48 hours | KNSS Radio
Letters and Science advisers bargain over return-to-office requirement
SSAP-UAW, the union that represents undergraduate advisers, is bargaining to stop a return-to-office mandate that would require UC Berkeley’s College of Letters and Science undergraduate advisers to work on campus
Take Action: Stand with the Disneyland Entertainment Cast Members! | New York City Central Labor Council, AFL-CIO
The Character and Parade Cast Members who help bring the magic of Disneyland to life have been bargaining for their first union contract since October 2024. While there has been some progress at the negotiating table, Disneyland management will not come to terms for a deal. In fact, management is now trying to eliminate worker benefits!
7 Conversations Defining the Future of Women’s Sports at Sportico RISE
From ownership and investment to collective bargaining and executive leadership, this year’s RISE Women’s Sports agenda brings together the people shaping the business of women’s sports. Hear from Michele Kang, Terri Carmichael Jackson, Janet Evans and more to be announced. RISE will take place Sept. 10 at Second NYC in New York City. Register now! …
If Not AOC, Then Who?
What do we do if Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez decides not to run for president in 2028? It makes sense that many leftists are currently focused on calling on her to take the plunge. But the absence of a Plan B, or even much discussion about one, is worrisome. The US Left can’t afford to sit out the 2028 Democratic primary. Doing so in 2024 was a disaster: our abstention self-marginalized anti-billionaire politics from the national conversation and thereby gave space for Harris to pivot to the “center” (i.e. the policy preferences of corporate donors, establishment hacks, and AIPAC). Abstaining again in 2028 would be especially counterproductive since democratic socialists now have so much wind in our sails after our big electoral wins in NYC and across the country. It’s time to deepen our momentum, organization, and profile — not to retreat to the margins during America’s single most important political battle. Even more urgently, keeping Trump’s heir out of the White House may depend on whether leftists and the party’s unprecedentedly disenchanted base can force the Democrats in 2028 to take meaningful steps towards a very angry electorate and away from the corporate-consultant blob that has helped get us into this mess. If AOC (or Abdul El-Sayed) decides to run, we should enthusiastically go all in — DSA, fighting unions, progressive organizations, anybody who wants to see a better country and world. But, as far as I can tell from the outside, there’s a real chance that she doesn’t run. And we can’t just wait and see where she lands before discussing alternatives, since AOC’s decision might not come for quite a while, giving us little time to scramble at the last minute for an alternative. So we should start working now on getting a Plan B into motion, and recruiting a good candidate for the role. Here’s one idea. A Worker Candidate — Healthcare Not Warfare 2028 Run a union worker Leftists don’t need to always run experienced, well-known socialist politicians for high-profile contests. Lula, the current president of Brazil, began his political career as a metalworker militant who ran for governor of São Paulo in 1982. Especially in an era of institutional distrust, it’s possible to lean hard into making a virtue out of a working-class comrade’s distance from traditional politics. Experience abroad shows this clearly. Rachel Kéké — an immigrant hotel housekeeper — ran as the candidate of the leftist La France Insoumise for the National Assembly in 2022, defeating a former minister in the Macron government. The Belgian Workers’ Party in 2024 won its first Flemish seat in the European Parliament by running Rudi Kennes, a three-decade veteran of the Opel Antwerp auto factory. And the South Korean left in 2024 elected auto factory militant Yoon Jong-oh to the National Assembly. If a tiny French Trotskyist organization could make such a big splash in 2002 and 2007 by running a well-spoken postal worker cadre for office — the LCR’s Olivier Besancenot received about 1.5 million first-round votes — it’s not far-fetched to expect that a much larger organization like DSA, together with a broader coalition of the willing, could run this playbook to much greater effect. This is especially the case now that almost everything DSA does immediately becomes a national news story. We don’t need someone famous. We just need a charismatic, well-vetted comrade who works in a relatable working-class occupation — e.g. a nurse, or a worker in auto or construction, or at Amazon. Ideally, they have a compelling personal story or have been part of a significant strike or organizing campaign, but even those criteria don’t necessarily have to be deal-breakers. The main lesson of the Graham Platner fiasco isn’t that we should never run outsiders for office (the momentum he generated proves the exact opposite), but that they need proper vetting and roots in democratic membership organizations like DSA or a union. In any case, there are plenty of ways to signal working-class authenticity without resorting to Platner’s or Fetterman’s performative macho white dude affect. Better to have someone of any gender or race who is actually working class, with firm socialist politics, who can speak from experience about the day-to-day realities of trying to make it in America. There are surely at least a dozen such worker leaders in our movement nationwide; we just need to sit down and convince one that their personal sacrifice for the greater good (i.e. running for president) will be worth it. If we don’t have a frontrunner with a clear path to victory like AOC (or El-Sayed, were he to win Michigan), it’s better to embrace someone whose decision to run in itself tells an important story about US politics: workers have been iced out of our political system and are now fighting hard to break back in. The novelty factor, in itself, would generate press. And it would help democratic socialists signal to the American public that our movement’s defining characteristic is that we represent workers vs. bosses, not that we’re “the furthest left” force in American politics — a framework that suggests we’re extremists and that helps our opponents isolate us from non-college-educated voters by highlighting extremely minoritarian (and misguided) stances included in DSA’s platform like prison abolition. We don’t get many opportunities to speak to tens of millions of Americans; we need to use these opportunities to broaden our appeal beyond those already in our orbit. Run to polarize the 2028 primary and general election around “Medicare for All” and “End All Aid to Israel” Why should democratic socialists use our scarce time and volunteer energy to run in a race we’re unlikely to win? Running in the 2028 primary will not only recruit us scores of members (imagine having a DSA member intervening in eleven nationally televised primary debates!), but — more importantly — it has the potential to be a decisive leap forward towards an America that finally starts meeting the needs of working people instead of HMO and AIPAC billionaire donors. Polarizing litmus tests are good, actually — as long as they’re fought for around popular demands in a thoughtful and strategic way. Democratic socialists have an opportunity and responsibility to make the 2028 primary about two of the most widely and deeply felt issues of our moment: domestically, America’s unaffordable, family-breaking private healthcare system; internationally, America’s bankrolling of the genocidal Israeli government. A candidacy relentlessly demanding Medicare for All and No Aid to Israel would pose a sharp question to the American public, the Democratic Party, and other 2028 contenders: Why can’t working-class Americans afford their healthcare bills at the same time that our government is spending at least $3.8 billion yearly to fund an Israeli regime eager to keep dragging us and the world into more forever wars? Our candidate can agitate around a clear message: I’m running to give voice to all those working-class Americans who are struggling to get by. No matter what state you live in, who you voted for in 2024, or your background, it’s just plain common sense that we should make healthcare more affordable instead of spending billions to enable the Israeli government’s crimes against humanity. Every American who agrees with me when I say ‘Medicare for All — Not a Dime for Israel’ should make their voice heard through our campaign. Racking up a high number of votes for this agenda is a crucial way to show the Democratic Party and the country as a whole that we can’t keep supporting a life-destroying status quo in our healthcare system and in the Middle East. If we want to defeat Trump’s handpicked crony this coming November, we need to speak to ordinary people’s frustrations with the status quo — we can’t keep running the same tired establishment playbook and expecting a different result. For those highly engaged voters (or skeptical media pundits) who raise concerns about wasting votes, the candidate can take the time to explain why this isn’t the case: It's true I'm a long shot. But Zohran showed anything can happen — and voting for me is a pragmatic decision, not a wasted vote. In a heavily divided primary with a large number of candidates and a very discredited establishment, my campaign and the democratic socialist movement I’m part of are positioned to be the balance of power if we can get a large enough number of voters to loudly demand Healthcare Not Warfare. Since there’s a high chance no candidate will get to 50% in the 2028 primaries, the Democrats could very well be heading towards a brokered convention, where a disciplined, principled current committed to breaking from corporate donors can play an outsized role in making sure whoever ends up with the nomination raises the banner of single-payer healthcare and cutting aid to Israel. How exactly could running this sort of primary campaign be translated into actual leverage? The candidate replies: I’m aiming to win the nomination, but if I don’t achieve that goal, my delegates and I will pledge our support in the primary only for a candidate who agrees in the general election to call for ending US aid to Israel and establishing Medicare for All at home. These are both winning planks for November against the Republicans, and the only reason I can see that other candidates haven’t yet raised these is that they’re still more scared of the donor class than they are of the people. That needs to change. If Democratic leaders want young people, workers, and those sick of the status quo to show up in big numbers this November, they need to meet us halfway. In this way, whether or not we win the nomination, democratic socialists could still play a decisive role in 2028. The approach outlined here is similar to what radical left parties periodically do in parliamentary democracies like Denmark or Sweden when they find themselves as a junior partner electorally: they dictate to center-left allies what their terms would be for enabling, from the outside, the formation of a new government. Running a Healthcare Not Warfare candidate will make it significantly more likely that the 2028 Democratic candidate stands with ordinary people instead of donors on these two pivotal planks — a shift that will, in turn, make it easier to achieve the existentially important task of defeating MAGA’s heir in November. Look at how much popular traction the Uncommitted movement got with a similar strategy in 2024 with so little on-the-ground organization — surely we can go much further with a working-class candidate, a much bigger DSA, and a Democratic Party base that has turned against Israel, billionaires, and the hacks in the party who prop them up. Objections and Responses There are quite a few objections to this proposal, many of which are very reasonable. Let me briefly address each here. Socialists shouldn’t waste their scarce time and resources on a candidate unlikely to win. This is a good rule in general, but there are important exceptions, and presidential elections are the main one. There’s no other political contest that gets anything like this level of attention and engagement in the US, so if you want to be a serious force in nationwide politics, you basically can’t afford not to have a candidate. Far from being an overall drain on our resources, running a dynamic 2028 campaign would likely result in a major net increase in members and capacity. In that spirit, the very pragmatic Milwaukee sewer socialists — who mostly ran to win at home in Wisconsin — supported Eugene Debs’s propagandistic presidential campaigns, which they correctly saw as a crucial means of recruiting to the Socialist Party. And now that the (post-1972) Democratic Party gives more weight to voters than party operatives in determining its presidential nomination, it’s become feasible to run as a socialist in primaries without risking a split in the vote against the Republicans in November. We should just support Ro Khanna, who also supports M4A and ending aid to Israel. I like Ro Khanna and would enthusiastically vote and canvass for him for president were he to get the nomination. But there’s a real chance that Khanna’s bid for office doesn’t catch on; he lacks the grassroots organizational apparatus of DSA, and, because he’s not really of the Left or labor (despite his current very good positions), he’s unlikely to generate the type of buy-in and enthusiasm that a DSA candidate would. Moreover, Khanna would be running as an individual, not as someone emerging from and building an organized movement — his campaign would not likely focus on building sustained power from below, nor would it likely polarize the 2028 primary around M4A and Israel aid. Also, and not inconsequentially, the poor electoral results for Tom Steyer and Saikat Chakrabarti this spring suggest that there’s perhaps not much of a popular appetite in the Democrats’ base to support multi-millionaire class traitors. Much better, then, to run a democratic socialist worker. If by Super Tuesday it’s clear that our campaign has captured the main left lane in the primary, Khanna should drop out and endorse us; conversely, if he’s managed to capture this lane, DSA could at that point transform its Healthcare Not Warfare campaign into an independent campaign to elect Ro Khanna focused on winning (and holding him accountable to) those two critical planks. An openness to consolidating an anti-corporate candidate by Super Tuesday is a necessary component of the strategy I’m proposing, because otherwise we risk splitting the primary votes (per DNC rules, you need at least 15% to get any delegates to convention). We should convince Shawn Fain or Sara Nelson to run for president instead. I agree it’d be great if either ran for president, but my impression is that there’s basically no chance that will happen in 2028, because both are firmly focused on their union leadership duties (and, in the case of Fain, beating back a federal witch-hunt). This plan could have DSA end up endorsing a non-socialist, non-DSAer for president. That’s against our principles. It’s a myth, and bad politics, that socialists can’t ever support candidates who aren’t members of their organization and/or who don’t call themselves socialists. Bernie, after all, was not a DSAer. And socialists abroad regularly make tactical decisions about if and when supporting a non-socialist candidate makes sense from the standpoint of promoting working-class interests, defending democracy, and building a socialist current in the process. If your “principles” prevent you and DSA from helping achieve the momentous stride forward of having a Democratic candidate in 2028 run on Medicare for All and ending aid to Israel, those “principles” are not very good. In fact, they actively undermine the causes they’re aiming to support. We shouldn’t confuse principles (working-class independence) with tactics (the best way to advance this in a given context). In my recent article in Catalyst on Milwaukee sewer socialism (I’ve uploaded the full text here), I have a section showing how similarly rigid rules about endorsements had to be eventually discarded in the old Socialist Party nationwide after WWI because they tended to lead socialists towards a sectarian abstention from broader anti-corporate electoral insurgencies beyond their party’s control. For what it’s worth, Lenin’s current under Tsarism frequently backed bourgeois candidates in the second round of elections and Lenin himself advocated that British Communists support Labour Party candidates; for his part, Kautsky in 1912 defended the German Social Democracy’s electoral pact with the Progressives in the runoffs. If our predecessors could be that tactically flexible in an era before the limits of their underlying strategic assumptions about intransigent class politics in capitalist democracies were made clear, then there’s no need to insist on being more tactically rigid today, after a century’s worth of accumulated experience. As long as you maintain your own political profile and organization while engaging in broader coalitional efforts, there’s zero inherent contradiction with the principle of political independence. More specifically: DSA and allied organizations should enthusiastically back Michigan’s Abdul El-Sayed if AOC declines to run and he throws his hat in the presidential ring. (I have no idea whether he’s even considering this path, but there’ll surely be chatter about it if he wins his Senate race this November.) Though he doesn’t call himself a socialist, El-Sayed is a principled Berniecrat, a consistent fighter for Palestine, and would have a clear path to victory. Using the “s” word is far less important than whether a campaign fights for the interests of working people at home and abroad — and whether actively participating in it can grow the organized working class and the Left. And the same holds true if a less anti-corporate candidate were, under pressure, to adopt our two Healthcare Not Warfare planks. Why focus only on M4A and ending US aid to Israel? There are so many other important issues to fight for! Obviously there are many pivotal issues beyond healthcare and Israel, and our candidate — and especially our organizations involved in the campaign — should be prepared to speak on all of these. But one of the crucial lessons of the Zohran campaign is that you have to relentlessly stay on message if you want to cut through the noise. CNN and Fox News will want to talk about DSA’s views on Venezuela and abolishing the police; we need to polarize the debate on the widely and deeply felt issues that are most favorable for growing the Left, isolating our opponents, and winning urgently needed changes. One recent poll found 63% of Americans support M4A, even after respondents were told it would raise taxes and eliminate most private insurance. Another found that 74% of Democrats opposed “providing additional economic and military support to Israel.” And focusing on two demands sets the campaign up to be able to leverage its mandate to make clear demands upon other candidates (which we can’t do if we run with a laundry list of demands). Talking about a Plan B is a distraction from the more urgent work of building a groundswell of calls on AOC to run. It’s good for DSAers, fightback unionists, and progressive organizations to try to convince AOC to run. This proposal is meant as an addendum to pushes to get AOC to run and to line DSA up for that eventuality, not as a substitute for those efforts. But I’m worried that, like in 2024, we might eventually find ourselves with no time to find a viable alternative unless we start now. DSA, with its abundant deliberative processes, moves slowly. The approach you’re suggesting seems risky. If a DSA candidate runs but doesn’t receive a lot of votes, it’ll undercut our current national momentum. This is a reasonable worry. All big initiatives always carry risks, and the path I’m advocating is certainly not free of these. That said, if a Healthcare Not Warfare campaign doesn’t catch on like we envisioned, it’s a pretty simple pivot in March 2028 to explain that in the future we really need our standard-bearers like AOC, or our growing bench of national electeds, to step up in presidential primaries. Moreover, it’s worth noting that the risk of my Plan B proposal is on the whole significantly less than the risk entailed by an AOC run. We should all back her if she runs, since she’d fire up the base, provide huge openings for organizing, have a real shot at defeating a Republican (especially given MAGA’s unpopularity), be a great standard-bearer for our issues, particularly M4A and ending aid to Israel, and be less willing than mainstream candidates to capitulate to any anti-democratic machinations from Trump and co. But it’s also true that AOC could lose, which would be a devastating setback to the country and the Left. Or she could win and find herself unable to pass much, if any, of her (and our) program, a demoralizing prospect. So if we’re willing to take these risks with AOC (and we should), it follows that we should be able to take lower-level risks if she doesn’t throw her hat in the ring. What’s Your Plan B? The US Left is facing its biggest opening for growth and influence since the 1930s. Initiatives that would have been impossible a few months ago are now potentially feasible. A President AOC is now easier to imagine, but if she ultimately assesses that the risks aren’t worth the potential reward in 2028, we can’t be left flat-footed. So even if you’re not convinced by the specifics of my Plan B, I hope you can at least agree that it’d be a disaster for us not to have one — and not to start getting a Plan B into motion. Hopefully other organizers and political currents will put forward their responses and alternative ideas ASAP. The stakes are too high to just wait and see. More As always, please share this article widely. This newsletter depends on all you lovely people to get the word out. Thank you! I uploaded the full text of my Catalyst article on Milwaukee sewer socialism here (it’s updated and 3x as long as the version published earlier on this substack). If you haven’t yet, please make sure to subscribe to Catalyst here; I read every issue front to back, highly recommend. 🌹🎵 Ivan Lins (arranged by Arthur Verocai) — “General da Banda” 🌹🎵
RISE to Feature Terri Carmichael Jackson, Jessica Caggiano on WNBA
During RISE Women’s Sports last fall, WNBPA Executive Director Terri Carmichael Jackson outlined a vision for a transformational future for the WNBA. A future where player compensation, investment and working conditions finally reflected the league’s explosive growth. Nearly a year later, with a landmark new collective bargaining agreement, record-setting media rights and continued expansion reshaping …
Opinion | Politicians, Pensions and Public Unions
Collective bargaining in the public sector presents an obvious potential conflict of interest.
Hundreds rally at Bethesda HQ to protest Xbox layoffs, and Ars was there
Union wants to halt a "perpetual cycle" of layoffs, get back to contract bargaining.
IAM District 4 Members Win First Contract at Federation of American Scientists
Nearly a year after becoming the first union in the nearly 80-year history of the Federation of American Scientists (FAS), 25 IAM District 4 members have ratified their first collective bargaining agreement, securing workplace protections, greater transparency, and a stronger voice on the job. The Federation of American Scientists (FAS) was established in 1945 by scientists
Service & Solidarity Spotlight: Health Care Professionals in New Jersey Ratify New Contract
Members of United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) Local 152 who work at Cape Regional Physicians Associates (CRPA) in New Jersey have secured a powerful new collective bargaining agreement.
Why Paul Skenes, at the center of the MLB's labor battle, believes the players need to dig in
When it comes to negotiations for the MLB’s next collective bargaining agreement, there are some misconceptions that Paul Skenes would like to clear...
Labor bill looms large in South Jordan House clash. Here’s where they are on other big issues.
Rep. Jordan Teuscher, who sponsored a bill limiting union's bargaining ability that labor groups were able to get repealed, is being challenged by Scott Stephenson, executive director of the Fraternal Order of Police, one of the groups that fought for its repeal. Here is where they stand on other important issues.
ESPN bolsters WNBA coverage, adds rules analyst for broadcasts
The WNBA’s new collective bargaining agreement, which cemented the league’s meteoric rise, was made possible thanks to the league’s new $2.2 billion media rights deal running through 2036. As part of the deal, ESPN and ABC will air five of the next 11 WNBA Finals and a conference finals series in eight of the 11…
Why Tennessee's Danny White wants collective bargaining more than 24-team playoff
Tennessee AD Danny White believes a collective bargaining agreement could solve problems in college sports. And he's got other ideas for the playoff.
With issues abound, is collective bargaining a viable solution for college sports? 'I never thought I'd say it, but I'm there on employment'
The Hottest Job in Sports: A WNBA Front Office Role
The WNBA’s lucrative, long-term media rights are inked. The historic collective bargaining agreement between owners and players is complete. Team valuations are at an all-time high. The league enters its 30th season Friday with more fans than ever and star players who are newly minted millionaires. To keep up with this growth, front offices around …
PRESS BOX: New WNBA bargaining agreement redefines women’s sports
The Women’s National Basketball Association and the Women’s National Basketball Player Association announced a new collective bargaining agreement in March.
Minnesota educators fight for a way to lower skyrocketing health insurance costs
As health insurance premiums continue to rise, Minnesota school districts – especially small, rural ones – struggle to find good, affordable health care coverage for their staff. Minnesota educators across the state want to be able to band together for better coverage and bargaining power in the marketplace.
Service & Solidarity Spotlight: Lucky 8 and Sharp Entertainment Workers Ratify Contracts
Nonfiction television staff represented by the Writers Guild of America East (WGAE) at Lucky 8 and Sharp Entertainment ratified new collective bargaining agreements.
2026 WNBA Draft: How much will No. 1 overall pick Azzi Fudd make in her rookie season with the Dallas Wings?
Rookie contracts are richer than ever thanks to the new collective bargaining agreement
Municipal Health Insurance: Major Developments
Challenges Growing For Local Plans Coalition Bargaining Remains Mass Retirees Priority Rising premiums are placing significant … Read More
IAM Union Members Gather to Bolster Political Action and Solidarity in Wisconsin
Delegates from the IAM Wisconsin State Council recently gathered in Madison for a three-day meeting, bringing together members from across the state. Discussions underscored regulatory and political challenges impacting collective bargaining, while reaffirming the need for solidarity and proactive engagement to strengthen workers’ rights. Gov. Tony Evers opened the conference with remarks and, joined by
Canadian business stalls over US trade deal jitters
STORY: The Canadian manufacturing hub of Windsor is home to thousands of small and specialized part makers and caters primarily to car companies and equipment manufacturers. The city thrives on close integration with Detroit, America's automotive capital, just across the river.That means it's also on the frontline of tariff and trade uncertainty with Canada's largest trading partner. JACKIE RAYMOND: "Even if we don't directly work with the automotive industry, we indirectly do."Jackie Raymond is co-owner of FASTSIGNS, a Canadian company that designs and installs custom business signs and graphics.The company is coming off its toughest year since the pandemic. Orders from its core automotive clients dried up.And while a new project brought some relief, the company says customers are placing smaller orders, demanding longer payment terms, and bargaining harder on prices.:: FileIt all points to uncertainty tied to the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, which is up for review this year. It's a deal U.S. President Donald Trump has repeatedly said he could scrap.:: Washington, D.C. / December 2, 2025TRUMP: "...and we'll either let it expire or we'll maybe work out another deal with Mexico and Canada...":: FileThe agreement - known as CUSMA north of the border - exempts most Canadian goods from U.S. levies.While Mexico has started formal negotiations with the U.S. over the deal's renewal, Canada has so far only held informal talks.RAYMOND: "I think the CUSMA is very, very important because it trickles down to every little business right down to your barber shop and your nail shop, which will affect all of our customers."The situation in Windsor reflects a broader unease facing Canada's economy, which contracted 0.6% in the fourth quarter. About 90% of the city's exports cross the border, often multiple times during production.Manufacturing accounts for nearly a quarter of employment in the Windsor-Essex region.Its chamber of commerce, which represents about 750 businesses, says companies paused investments, delayed production, and cut jobs at the height of the tariff uncertainty last year. :: FileWindsor partly regained its footing as Trump exempted USMCA-compliant exports from Canada from tariffs in March last year.But uncertainty still drags on business confidence and Windsor's unemployment level remains one of the highest among major cities in Canada.Local shops complain of lower traffic and restaurants report thinner crowds.And builders say the housing market – often among the first sectors to show strain from the knock-on effects of tariff uncertainties – is near a standstill.Brent Klundert of BK Cornerstone, a local real estate builder, said he laid off 13 of his 21 staff as sales and prices slumped last year. "And you know, when people are going to make the biggest investment of their life, they really want confidence in their job, in the longevity of their job in the economy itself. And people lost that due to the tariffs.” // “If we can get through CUSMA, if we can get through our trade agreements with the US, I think that that will add a lot of confidence into the marketplace that we've been lacking.”Since January Klundert has rehired 10 of his employees, hoping homebuyers would start coming back.So far, only a few have.
On Canada's tariff frontline, business stalls over US trade deal jitters
WINDSOR, Ontario, March 28 (Reuters) - Windsor-based FASTSIGNS, a Canadian company that designs and installs custom business signs and graphics, last year endured its toughest year since the pandemic as orders from its core automotive clients dried up. A new project launch this year brought some relief, but the company says customers are demanding longer payment terms, placing smaller orders, and bargaining harder on prices due to uncertainty tied to the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement,
WNBA CBA expected to raise pay for other women's sports leagues
While salary increases were a win, observers suggest revenue sharing in the new WNBA collective bargaining agreement will be transformative.
The future of college sports is up for debate among the country's most powerful leaders. What's at stake?
From the introduction of federal legislation to salary caps and collective bargaining, the future is as murky as ever
Report: Tony Clark to resign as head of MLBPA
The move was made ahead of an expected start of collective bargaining in April for an agreement to replace the five-year labor contract that expires Dec. 1.
Home health workers, 'backbone’ of public health work, support collective bargaining legislation
While the bill broadly applies to public employees like government workers, it would also create the Virginia Home Care Authority within the state’s Department of Medical Assistance Services.
Legacy strike continues after Oregon, SW Washington health workers reject deal
Legacy officials said both parties plan to return to the bargaining table this week.
House votes to nullify Trump order and restore bargaining rights for federal workers
The House voted to repeal President Donald Trump’s executive order from earlier this year that aimed to remove collective bargaining rights for hundreds of thousands of federal employees
Does college sports need a CBA? Some ADs are starting to think so
A growing number of athletic directors say they are interested in exploring a once-unthinkable option.
First-Ever College Sports Collective Bargaining Agreement Released By Athletes.org
The four-year proposal includes a revenue-sharing template agreement and “school-specific revenue-sharing percentage based on pro rata revenue per sport."
Nurses association welcomes mediation as Legacy Health returns to negotiation table
After four days of striking, Legacy Health has agreed to enter mediation with the Oregon Nurses Association (ONA) and return to the bargaining table.