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Deen Castronovo farewells Journey amid 'health matters'
Deen Castronovo is no longer drumming with Journey.
Diego Pacheco vs. Darius Fulghum live results update
Welcome to the live results update for Diego Pacheco (26-0, 19 KOs) vs. Darius Fulghum (15-1-1, 13 KOs)! Their 12-round super middleweight bout headlines a Matchroom Boxing card at the Dignity Health Sports Park in Carson, CA. Fight fans in the United States can catch the action live on TNT Sports and DAZN. The rest of […]
Opinion | Amid the Xi-Trump clamour, can Apec revive the business of cooperation?
While many eyes are on the expected US-China summit, the main issue for the Apec forum is whether its members are still able to work with each other.
Deen Castronovo leaves Journey after two health emergencies mid-show
Drummer Deen Castronovo is leaving Journey after health issues prompted him to exit two shows mid-concert in its latest tour.
Rice close to signing new Arsenal contract
Arsenal and England midfielder Declan Rice says he is close to signing a new contract with his club.
Angry voters put health care on the agenda–now comes the rep...
After Democrats won Congress amid voter anger over health care cuts, advocates are pressing them to restore coverage and scrutinize Health Secretary Robert F. K...
'We can't let them down' -- After midterm wins, Democrats turn to charting path ahead
Democrats from across the country descended on Denver for a two-day conference to chart the course of their party after sweeping victories in the midterm elections.
'We can't let them down' -- After midterm wins, Democrats turn to charting path ahead
Democrats from across the country descended on Denver for a two-day conference to chart the course of their party after sweeping victories in the midterm elections.
Journey Drummer Deen Castronovo Leaves Band, After Second Mid-Show Exit
Journey drummer Deen Castronovo had his second mid-concert exit due to a health crisis. Three days later, the band announced his exit from the group.
Carlos Adames slams Gerome Warburton after 10-round domination: 'He could have done more, but he was just surviving'
WBC middleweight champion Carlos Adames is a class above Gerome Warburton, winning a wide unanimous decision in their 10-round non-title bout in Riyadh; Watch Aaron McKenna vs Jevgenijs Aleksejevs on Friday December 4 live on Sky Sports
Clark County Health Department highlights diabetes warning signs on World Diabetes Day
Dayton 24/7 Now provides local news, weather, sports, traffic and entertainment for Dayton and nearby towns and communities in the Miami Valley, including Dayton, Vandalia, Xenia, Centerville, New Lebanon, Miamisburg, Kettering, Trotwood, Englewood, Union, Fairborn, Brookville, Lewisburg, New Carlisle, Tipp City, West Milton, Greenville, Eaton, Oxford, Hamilton, Middletown, Springboro, Franklin, Germantown, Carlisle, Lebanon, Waynesville, Bellbrook, Beavercreek, Cedarville, Yellow Springs, Enon, Springfield, Northridge, Urbana, Covington, Troy, Piqua, Oakwood, Riverside, Huber Heights, Shiloh, Wapakoneta, Celina, Sidney, Saint Marys, Greenville, West Carrollton.
Tyriq Withers and Daniel Kaluuya crack jokes after being stranded in airport amid FAA ground stop
Tyriq Withers and Daniel Kaluuya went viral after cracking jokes and referencing memes during their interview with local news station KVAL amid the FAA ground stop on Nov. 13.
Science Museum of Minnesota to cut 22 jobs amid $4.64 million shortfall
With attendance still at half of pre-pandemic levels, the St. Paul institution is cutting jobs and shrinking its footprint to save costs.
Duffy Blames Congress, Demands $50 Billion as White House Confronts Airport Mess
The transportation secretary is the third top Trump administration official to face scrutiny since the midterms.
Democrats try out a strange new emotion at post-midterms What's Next conference: hope
Democrats spent two days chewing over their future at the What's Next conference and trying to deal with the fact that it looks, for a moment at least, quite bright.
Tyriq Withers & Daniel Kaluuya Go Viral in Unhinged Interview Amid FAA Ground Stop
'This feels like an SNL skit,' one fan commented, after the Withers quoted a Bella Noche meme.
Aaron McKenna to defend IBF middleweight world title against Jevgenijs Aleksejevs live on Sky Sports on December 4
Aaron McKenna won the IBF middleweight world title, beating Etinosa Oliha on a memorable night in Dublin in August; He will now make the first defence of his title against Jevgenijs Aleksejevs; Watch McKenna vs Aleksejevs on Friday December 4 live on Sky Sports
Hoobastank, Simple Plan, and more artists play mid-air concert amid FAA ground stop
Hoobastank, Simple Plan, The Used, and LØLØ held an impromptu mid-air concert on a Southwest flight en route to Vans Warped Tour Orlando on Friday.
Dems seize on midterm rout to demand ICE reform but polls reveal a twist in who prioritized immigration
Rep.-elect Bobby Pulido and Texas Democrats push 2028 candidates to prioritize immigration reform after flipping Republican-leaning districts.
Just in: Star midfielder returns to Barcelona after back discomfort
Barcelona’s misfortunes with injuries in this crucial part of the season look to have continued, with Frenkie de Jong being a potential new casualty.The Dutchman picked up back discomfort while part...
Organizing for Tenant and Political Power in Montana
We spoke to a Montana tenant union leader about organizing renters in the state and the midterms victory of Sam Forstag, a smoke jumper, a union leader, and the first elected House Democrat in Montana in three decades.
The Politics of Beef in the 2026 Midterms
Beef has long symbolized the promise of American material abundance. The midterms illustrated the political consequences of failing to deliver it.
The Politics of Beef in the 2026 Midterms
Beef has long symbolized the promise of American material abundance. The midterms illustrated the political consequences of failing to deliver it.
Communist Party Politics, Rockets and Komsomol Business in Soviet Dnipropetrovsk
This is an excerpt from Ukraine’s Outpost: Dnipropetrovsk and the Russian-Ukrainian War (2022). Free to download from E-International Relations. The Ukrainian city of Dnipropetrovsk (in 2016 the city was renamed Dnipro) was shown on a movie screen in the Soviet Union for the first time in 1981 as a ‘Russian-speaking’ city in Nikita Mikhalkov’s feature film Rodnia. A story of a Russian peasant woman who visited her daughter in the big industrial city was used by Mikhalkov in his movie to emphasise a growing crisis in Soviet family life during the Brezhnev era when former Russian peasants lost their Orthodox Christian identity during the process of socialist industrialisation and modernisation. Paradoxically, Mikhalkov completely ignored the real social and national problems of the city; instead choosing as the setting for his movie Russian peasants’ adjustment to Soviet modernisation. Even now many Russians use this film as evidence of the ‘Russian character’ of Dnipropetrovsk ignoring the real demographic and social history of this Ukrainian region (Elberg-Wilson 2016).[1] Despite Mikhalkov’s picture, the city of Dnipro and the Dnipropetrovsk region had a multi-national and multi-cultural character coupled with the strong influence of Ukrainian and Jewish culture. Get E-International Relations delivered to your inbox, free. As you sign up, consider becoming a paid subscriber, or make a donation, to support our work. Subscribe Using various archival and published documents, this chapter will cover the social, economic and cultural development of the city and the region of Dnipropetrovsk through the period of late socialism after Stalin, showing the ties between the multi-national Komsomol members and business ventures during perestroika and how this influenced the rise of oligarchic clans in post-Soviet Ukraine. Emergence of Soviet Dnipropetrovsk Paradoxically, from the early beginning, the founding of the ‘city of Catherine’s glory’ (Ekaterinoslav in Russian) and its province in 1776 by the Russian imperial administration of the Catherine the Second involved non-Russian ethnic groups, which shaped a historical demography of this region in Southern Ukraine. These ethnic groups included the local Ukrainian Orthodox Christian peasants and Cossacks, Jewish traders and artisans, Armenian Christians, and Tatar Muslim settlers. By the middle of the nineteenth century, thousands of German Protestant and Mennonite colonists also settled in the province. Moreover, by attracting foreign capital, the Russian imperial administration transformed this multi-ethnic and multi-religious region in the booming industrial centre of the Russian Empire by the beginning of twentieth century (Zhuk 2004, 33–96). After the Russian Revolution and civil war, the province of Ekaterinoslav continued to play an important role in the industrial development of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. In 1926 the Soviet administration decided to change the name of Ekaterinoslav which sounded too ‘old fashioned’ and ‘imperial Russian.’ The new name was a combination of the name of the Dnipro River with the last name of Grigorii Petrovskii, head of the All-Ukrainian Executive Committee of the Soviets, and well-known organiser of the working-class movement in the region of Ekaterinoslav before the Revolution. ‘Dnipro-Petrovske’ was later transformed into ‘Dnipropetrovsk’ (Bolebrukh 2001, 156). Both the city and region of Dnipropetrovsk lived through the New Economic Policy (N.E.P.), industrialisation and the Stakhanovite movement. The region lost millions of human lives during collectivisation and the dekulakisation campaign, and especially during the Holodomor of 1932–33. During industrialisation, the Soviet government restored the industrial base of the region. Former metallurgical giants such as the Petrovskii (formerly Brianskii)plant, the Chodoir (formerly Vladimir Lenin) plant and others resumed production of pig iron and steel. During the 1930s, Dnipropetrovsk became an important centre for Soviet heavy industry. In 1932, Dnipropetrovsk regional metallurgical plants produced 20 per cent of the entire cast iron and 25 per cent of the steel manufactured in the Soviet Ukrainian Republic. After the beginning of the campaign of ‘Ukrainianisation’ in 1923, the number of those who spoke Ukrainian grew, reaching 38.5 per cent in the city by the end of the 1920s. Between 1932 and 1939, the number of city dwellers in Dnipropetrovsk increased to over 500,662. The Dnipropetrovsk region became the most urbanised of Soviet Ukraine with more than 2,273,000 people living in the region (Vasiliev 1977, 55; Bolebrukh 2001, 159–164). Dnipropetrovsk also became the cultural and educational centre of Soviet Ukraine. There were ten colleges, including the State University, 97 secondary schools and 19 vocational schools. The Soviet administration restored local drama and music theatres. During the 1930s, Dnipropetrovsk had 120 libraries, five museums, six movie-theatres, 30 clubs and palaces of culture (Bolebrukh 2001_,_159–164). The Leonid Brezhnev Clan Post-war Soviet modernisation influenced the careers of many young and ambitious Komsomol members in the region. One of them, Leonid Brezhnev, was born in 1906 in Kamenskoe, joined the Kommunystycheskaya Partyya Sovetskoho Soyuza (Communist party of the Soviet Union - KPSS) in 1931 and, after graduation from Dniprodzerzhinsk Metallurgical Institute was elected as a council deputy of the city of Dniprodzerzhinsk. The Stalinist purges of the 1930s removed many old Soviet and Communist officials from government positions who perished in prisons and the labour camps of GULAG. Young people such as Brezhnev filled the void created by Stalinist repressions in the region. In 1938, the young Brezhnev was elected as a member of the regional committee of the Soviet Communist party of Ukraine (KPU) and head of the Department of Agitation and Propaganda. By the young age of 32, Brezhnev had become secretary of the KPU committee of the most important industrial region of Soviet Ukraine. His career was interrupted by the Great Patriotic War when Brezhnev joined the army as an ideological officer (see Mlechin 2005). From August 1941 to October 1943, the Dnipropetrovsk region was occupied by the Nazis, and Soviet troops liberated the entire region by February 1944 (Berkhoff 2004, 11, 36, 49, 149–150, 152–153, 248–249). The Soviet administration restored the industrial base of Dnipropetrovsk, and by 1950 the main metallurgical and machine-building factories had reached their pre-war levels of industrial production and productivity. During this period, Brezhnev began his political career as a talented and ambitious organizer of the industrial re-birth of Dnipropetrovsk. He was an experienced young army ideologist who had proved his loyalty to the Stalinist leadership during the war and was familiar with Dnipropetrovsk before 1941. The Central Committee of the KPSS sent Brezhnev to Dnipropetrovsk in November 1947 when he was elected first secretary of the Dnipropetrovsk regional committee of the KPU, and he ruled the oblast until June 1950 (Vosstanovlenie). His successors were Andrei Kirilenko and Volodymyr Shcherbitskyy, both close friends. Two other young comrades of Brezhnev, Oleksiy Vatchenko and Yevhen Kachalovskii led the region respectively in 1965–1976 and 1976–1983 (Vasiliev 1977, 72; Bolebrukh 2001_,_ 233; Mlechin 2005). Brezhnev promoted the political career of his old friends, many of whom became prominent political figures in Kyiv and Moscow during his leadership of the KPSS. Both contemporaries and scholars who study the ‘Brezhnev period’ call this phenomenon the ‘Dnipropetrovsk mafia’ or rule of the ‘Dnipropetrovsk Family’ (Nahaylo 1999, 36, 69; Wilson 2000, 162). Since the rise of Brezhnev to the pinnacle of Soviet power, the ruling elites of Dnipropetrovsk influenced not only regional, but also republican and All-Union politics. Dnipropetrovsk’s transformation into an important centre of the Soviet military industrial complex was directly related to the sudden rise of Brezhnev to the pinnacle of Soviet power in October of 1964. Brezhnev promoted the political career of his compatriots from the Dnipropetrovsk military industrial complex. Brezhnev’s friends and close colleagues from his post-war years in the Dnipropetrovsk region went to Moscow and became prominent political figures in the Soviet nomenklatura hierarchy during the 1960s and 1970s. Two main industries of the Soviet military industrial complex – metallurgy and missile-building – had important factories in Dnipropetrovsk and therefore provided the Brezhnev clan with new members from 1964 until 1982. Even after the downfall of the Brezhnev clan in Moscow in 1983, when Yurii Andropov began his struggle ‘against corruption and nepotism’ in the Soviet nomenklatura, members of this clan continued to play a prominent role in the political life of Soviet Ukraine. Besides the Physical-Technical Department of Dnipropetrovsk State University, the Dnipropetrovsk Metallurgical Institute also assisted the political careers of many of Brezhnev’s close friends who in the 1970s and 1980s became important members of the Kremlin nomenklatura. Nikolai Tikhonov, former head of Dnipropetrovsk Sovnarkhoz during the 1950s, was one of the deputies of the Soviet Prime Minister between 1966 and 1976, First Deputy of the Prime Minister from 1976 to 1980 and head of the USSR Council of Ministers from 1980 to 1985.[2] Nikolai Shcholokov was the Soviet Minister of Public Order in 1966–1968 and from 1968 to 1982 he was Soviet Minister of Interior. Georgii Tsynev was during 1971–1976 a member of the Central Revision Committee of the KPSS and a deputy head of the KGB from 1970 to 1982. In the KGB he was the 1st Deputy Chairman in 1982–1985 as well as he was a Candidate Member of CPSU Central Committee in 1976–1981 and accordingly was a full Member of the said body in 1981–1986. Victor Chebrikov, who graduated from Dnipropetrovsk Metallurgical Institute in 1950, was one of the leaders of the city party organisation in Dnipropetrovsk from 1961 to 1971. In 1971 he became the head of the personnel department of the USSR KGB, First Deputy of the Head of this organization and from 1982 to 1988 a chairman of the KGB (Pikhovshek 1996, 11–12, 272–274). Another of Brezhnev’s close friends, Volodymyr Shcherbytskyy, promoted the careers of other people from the region of Dnipropetrovsk. With his support, Oleksii Vatchenko became the head of the Presidium of the Ukrainian Soviet Supreme Soviet from 1976 until 1984 with the assistance of another politician from Dnipropetrovsk, Valentyna Shevchenko. Aleksandr Kapto, who worked as a secretary of both the Dnipropetrovsk Komsomol organization and the Soviet Ukrainian Komsomol in Kyiv in the 1960s, oversaw the Department of Culture in the Central Committee of the KPU; in 1979–1986 he was a Secretary of the Central Committee and accordingly was the main ideologist of the Soviet Ukraine. Many other members of the ‘Kyiv ruling class’ under Shcherbytskyy were also linked to the Dnipropetrovsk metallurgical and military lobby. Shcherbytskyy’s assistant from 1972 to 1984 was Konstantin Prodan who began his career in the Komsomol organisation of the city of Dnipropetrovsk (Pikhovshek 1996, 48–103). As a contemporary political analyst noted, ‘Officially Prodan was put in charge of industrial production, though, according to insiders of the former KPU Central Committee, his principal function was ‘maintaining’ contact with Brezhnev’s assistant Georgii Tsukanov in Moscow’ (Pikhovshek 1996, 33–34). Another important reason for the rise of the ‘Brezhnev Clan’ was the relative independence of Dnipropetrovsk’s local administration from Kyiv. Because of the status of Dnipropetrovsk as a ‘strategically important centre for military industry,’ different branches of the local administration were under the direct supervision of Moscow, rather than Kyiv (Interviews with Tihipko, Markov and Bocharova). The Military Industrial Complex and Ruling Elite of Dnipropetrovsk The city of Dnipropetrovsk was the location of famous metallurgical and machine-building factories in pre-revolutionary Russia and the Soviet Union. Before 1941, Dnipropetrovsk became the most urbanised region of the Soviet Ukraine. Almost 53 per cent of this region’s population lived in 16 cities and towns of the region (Vasiliev 1977, 55; Bolebrukh 2001, 159–164). In 1980, the industrial enterprises of Dnipropetrovsk manufactured a significant part of the industrial products and customer goods for the Soviet Ukrainian Republic. A total of 5.4 per cent of steel, 9 per cent of rolled iron, 28 per cent of pipes, 62 per cent of combine beet-harvesters, 27.9 per cent of television sets, and 8.5 per cent of knitted wear in Ukraine were produced in the city of Dnipropetrovsk (Bolebrukh 2001, 219). After 1945, the main centre of economic and financial activities of the region and the city of Dnipropetrovsk became neither metallurgy nor mining. The new centre which changed the status of the region and of the city was a secret military factory in Dnipropetrovsk. The entire ideological and cultural situation in the region, and especially the city, depended on this one industrial plant which became the most important part of the Soviet military industrial complex. In July 1944, the State Committee of Defence in Moscow decided to build a large military machine-building factory in Dnipropetrovsk on the location of the pre-war aircraft plant. In December 1945, thousands of German prisoners of war began construction and built the first sections and shops of the new Dnipropetrovsk Automobile Factory (Markov, 1995). In 1947–1948 this factory produced its first cars and special military vehicles. However, on 9 May 1951 the USSR Council of Ministers decided to transform the main shops and sectors of this factory into ‘secret production’ which included not only special military vehicles, but also powerful rocket engines and different types of modern military aircraft. The former Dnipropetrovsk Automobile Factory was transferred to the Ministry of Armament of the USSR and received a new name – the State Union Plant #586 (Lukanov 1996, 12). Stalin introduced the organisation of special secret training of highly qualified engineers and scientists who were to become rocket construction specialists. He recommended the introduction of a new college degree at Dnipropetrovsk State University which would be a Master of Sciences in rocket construction. In 1952 the university administration formed a new department with the name ‘physical-technical faculty’ which was the largest department at the university, admitting on average four hundred students each year. These students received better accommodation and a higher stipend payment than students from other departments and colleges; the lowest stipend for this department was 450 roubles, while the highest stipend at another prestigious school, the Dnipropetrovsk Medical Institute, was only 180 roubles. A special commission from Moscow selected talented undergraduate students studying physics from engineering schools all over the USSR and sent them to the physical-technical department at Dnipropetrovsk State University, where they resumed their studies as rocket engineers. Simultaneously, the university administration announced the admission of new freshmen students in this department. The promise of a good stipend and a ‘romantic’ career of rocket engineer attracted thousands of talented young people to this ‘secret’ department, which provided training specialists for only the Dnipropetrovsk Automobile Factory (Horbulin 1998, 9, 62–63). In accordance with another decision of the Soviet government, in 1954 the administration of this automobile factory opened a secret design office with the name ‘Southern Construction Bureau’ (konstruktorskoe biuro Yuzhnoe). The main assignment of this office was to construct military missiles and rocket engines. Hundreds of talented physicists, engineers and machine designers moved from Moscow and other big cities in the Soviet Union to Dnipropetrovsk where they joined the konstruktorskoe biuro Yuzhnoe (KBYu). In 1965, the secret Plant #586 was transferred to the Ministry of General Machine-Building of the USSR and the next year it changed its name into the ‘Southern Machine-building Factory’ (Yuzhnyi mashino-stroitelnyi zavod) or simply Yuzhmash (in Ukrainian Pivdenmash). The first ‘General Constructor’ and head of the ‘Southern’ design office was Mikhail Yangel, a prominent scientist and outstanding designer of space rockets who led the design office and factory from 1954 to 1971. Yangel designed the first powerful rockets and space military equipment for the Soviet Ministry of Defence. Yangel worked with talented engineers who later became the leaders of military production in Dnipropetrovsk and the official directors of Pivdenmash. Two close collaborators of Yangel were the Pivdenmash directors Leonid Smirnov (1952–1961) and Aleksandr Makarov (1961–1986). Makarov’s successor was Leonid Kuchma, the Director General of the Pivdenmash in 1986–1992, who later became one of the most prominent political leaders in independent Ukraine and was and still is the only President of Ukraine (1994–2005) elected twice (Strazheva; Platonov and Horbulin; Romanov and Gubarev; Baikonur; Baikonur, Korolev, Yangel). In 1951 the Southern Machine-building Factory began manufacturing and testing new military rockets with an initial range of only 270 kilometres. By 1959 Soviet scientists and engineers developed new technologies, and as a result, the KBYu launched a new machine-building project producing ballistic missiles. Under Yangel, KBYu produced very powerful rocket engines which dramatically increased the range of ballistic missiles and from the 1960s, began to be used as launch vehicles for Soviet spaceships. Pivdenmash designed and manufactured four generations of missile complexes which included space launch vehicles Kosmos, Interkosmos, Tsyklon-2, Tsyklon-3 and Zenith. The KBYu created a unique space-rocket system called Energia-Buran and manufactured 400 technical devices which were launched as artificial satellites (Sputniks). For the first time in the world space industry, the Dnipropetrovsk missile plant produced space Sputniks. By the 1980s, Pivdenmash manufactured 67 different types of spaceships, 12 space research complexes and four defence space rocket systems. These systems were used not only for purely military purposes by the Ministry of Defence, but also for astronomical research, for global radio and television and for environmental monitoring. Pivdenmash initiated and sponsored the international space programme of Eastern European socialist countries, called Interkosmos. Twenty-two of the 25 automatic space Sputniks of this programme were designed, manufactured, and launched by engineers and workers from Dnipropetrovsk. Pivdenmash and KBYu became not only an important centre of the Soviet space industry and Soviet military industrial complex, but also the main rocket producer for the entire Soviet bloc. (Hall and Shayler 2001, 316ff; Siddiqi 2003, 97, 113, 114, 164, 177, 285) The military rocket systems manufactured in Dnipropetrovsk created the base for the Soviet Strategic Missile Forces (Dnepropetrovskii raketno 1994; Bolebrukh 2001_,_ 209–211, 229; Lukanov 1996, 13). On the eve of the disintegration of the Soviet Union, KBYu had nine regular and corresponding members of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, 33 full professors and 290 scientists holding a Ph.D. More than 50,000 people worked at Pivdenmash. Pivdenmash was ‘a state’ inside the Soviet state. In 1969, after a long competition with Moscow’s V. Chelomei Centre of Rocket Construction, Pivdenmash rocket designs won, and from then leaders of the Soviet military industrial complex preferred only Pivdenmash models. The Soviet state provided billions of Soviet roubles to finance Pivdenmash projects (Horbulin 1998, 6, 24–31). Officially, Pivdenmash also manufactured agricultural tractors and special kitchen equipment for everyday needs, such as mincing machines or juicers for Soviet households. In official reports and public information there were no details given about its production of rockets or spaceships. However, hundreds of thousands of workers and engineers in the city of Dnipropetrovsk were employees of this plant, and members of their families and therefore most local people knew about the ‘real production’ of Pivdenmash. Dnipropetrovsk as a KGB “Testing Ground” The Soviet government approved the KGB’s proposal to introduce the highest level of secrecy over Pivdenmash and its products. According to the Soviet government’s decision, the city of Dnipropetrovsk was officially closed to foreign visitors in 1959. No citizen of a foreign country (even Eastern European socialist) was allowed to visit the city or district of Dnipropetrovsk. From the late 1950s, Soviet people called Dnipropetrovsk ‘the rocket city’ or ‘closed city.’ (Bolebrukh 2001, 211). Members of the Brezhnev clan in the Moscow offices of the KGB and Ministry of Interior also contributed to centralised ideological control in Dnipropetrovsk, which especially influenced the KGB and security operations in the closed city. The local KGB office was always more Moscow-oriented, ignoring the interests of the authorities in Kyiv. At the same time, for Moscow officials who began their careers in Dnipropetrovsk, the city became the testing ground for many All-Union KGB campaigns which they attempted to initiate. Dnipropetrovsk KGB officers were ‘pioneers’ in the organisation of ideological campaigns which became ‘models’ for other ‘closed’ industrial Soviet cities. [This phrase – ‘pioneers of ideological campaigns’ – belongs to a local retired KGB officer. According to the KGB documents, Moscow’s representatives in the Dnipropetrovsk clan always interfered in local KGB business, imposing their own practices on the local officers.] (Igor T.; DADO, f. 19, op. 52, spr. 72, ark. 1–18) As a result, the inhabitants of Dnipropetrovsk experienced more ideological limitations and more brutal anti-Western campaigns than people in many other Soviet cities. Facing direct Kremlin supervision, the local KGB and KPSS ideologists sought to prove their ideological reliability and occasionally exaggerated the ‘threat from the capitalist West.’ KGB officers transformed one building in the Dnipropetrovsk Special Psychiatric Hospital (psikhushka), located in a town of Ihren (now a suburban district of Dnipro), into a special police facility for ‘political dissidents.’ All over the Soviet Union, Ihren psikhushka (especially its Section 9) became notorious and known as the worst incarceration for political prisoners. The Dnipropetrovsk KGB tested various drugs on prisoners and performed different medical experiments, treating the most ‘opinionated’ political dissidents as mentally sick patients. Many religious and civil rights activists and ‘bourgeois nationalists,’ such as national communist dissident Leonid Plyushch, described the Dnipropetrovsk Psychiatric Hospital as ‘mental hell’ because of its police system of harsh treatment and everyday humiliation (Plyushch 1979, 304–326, 340–349). Meanwhile, local KGB officers explained their harsh treatment of dissidents such as Plyushch as an ideological necessity to protect a strategically important centre of the Soviet military industrial complex (Igor T). Growth of the Population and Standards of Living in the Region The new status of the city brought more state investments and contributed to the overall improvement of the standard of living of its inhabitants. During the 1950s, the main sponsor of city improvements and renovations was the metallurgical industry. During the 1960s and 1970s, the space rocket industry and its biggest factory, Pivdenmash, sponsored all major city programmes, renovations and new architectural projects which included the sports palace Meteor with a large indoor pool, football team Dnipro, city airport, city theatre of opera and ballet, historical museum of Yavornitskii, department store ‘Children’s World,’ construction of thousands of modern apartments, libraries and movie-theatres, and celebrations of the 200th anniversary of the city of Dnipropetrovsk in 1976. (Bolebrukh 2001_,_ 211–212). Even the expansion and renovation of the Dnipropetrovsk Central Farmer Market (known as Oziorka) was supported by Pivdenmash as part of its improvement of the city’s life, and a reflection of the growth and strategic importance of the city. From 1958 to 1965 the city administration invested money in building a new covered location for the market and by 1970 they had re-built the entire neighbourhood transforming it into a modern and convenient place for the ‘socialist consumption of goods and services.’ (Lazebnik 2001, 167–185) As a result, the missile factory, the centre of the Soviet military industrial complex, contributed to a new level of cultural consumption among not only the city’s dwellers, but also among all guests of Dnipropetrovsk. Consequently, the pioneering efforts in the popularisation of new modern forms of Western music such as jazz and rock-n-roll also began among engineers and workers of Pivdenmash who contributed to the spread of new cultural forms and activities among those who lived in the city and region of Dnipropetrovsk. The improving living conditions in Dnipropetrovsk led to an increase of the regional population from 2,339,800 people (with a 56 per cent urban population) in 1951 to 2,850,700 (with a 72 per cent urban population) in 1961. The larger salaries and better distribution of food and industrial goods also attracted young people from other regions of the Soviet Union to Dnipropetrovsk. From the 1950s onward, most of the Dnipropetrovsk population were people younger than 30 years old. In 1970 there were 3,343,000 people in the region (76 per cent of who lived in cities) which by 1984 had increased to 3,771,200 people (with 83 per cent urban population). The population of the city of Dnipropetrovsk grew from 660,800 people in 1959 to 1,066,000 in 1979 and more than 1,153,400 people in 1985 when Gorbachev came to power (Glushkina 1985, 10, 11). The Dnipropetrovsk region had a young multinational, predominantly Russian speaking population. Three major ethnic groups shaped the cultural development of the region – Ukrainians, Russians, and Jews. During the peak of ‘international harmony and prosperity of developed socialism’ in 1979, Ukrainians made up the overwhelming majority of the regional (72.8 per cent) and urban (68.5 per cent) population. Due to massive emigration from the Soviet Union, the Jewish population decreased from 2.7 per cent in 1959 to 1.7 per cent in 1979 and 1.3 per cent in 1989. The number of Russians in the region’s population grew rapidly from 17.2 per cent in 1959, 20.9 per cent in 1970, 23 per cent in 1979 and 24.2 per cent in 1989 (O vozrastnoi structure 1971; Goskomstat USSR 1991, 100, 102). By 1985, more than a third of the population in the city of Dnipropetrovsk was ethnically Russian. If we add to this number the 3.2 per cent of Russian-speaking Jews and more than 33 per cent of Ukrainians who considered Russian their native language, we will have more than two thirds of the city’s population who associated themselves with Russian rather than with Ukrainian culture. According to contemporaries, the high salaries and better conditions of living attracted representatives of various nationalities from different republics who also spoke Russian rather than the Ukrainian language in Dnipropetrovsk (Goskomstat USSR 1991, 106, 108, 119, 122; Prudchenko and Smolenska 2007). Komsomol ‘Business’ During the Late Soviet Era The regional economic activities of local ‘businessmen and women’ from the Komsomol during perestroika had their roots in the pre-perestroika era. They also strengthened trends for independence from Moscow which had earlier existed in Dnipropetrovsk. All the elements of their initial business had already been developed during the Brezhnev era when the cultural consumption of late socialism combined the structures of Soviet international tourism with the ideological efforts of Komsomol activists into one business network. Mass rock and discotheque music consumption among Soviet youth was delivered by Komsomol and trade union apparatchiks. International tourism and discotheque enthusiasts provided these apparatchiks with music and video material for their entertainment business. Without these relations it would be impossible to imagine the development of post-Soviet capitalism. The first pioneers of organizing Komsomol business in the region were two graduates of Dnipropetrovsk Metallurgical Institute, the Ukrainian-Moldovan Sergiy Tihipko, the First Secretary of the Dnipropetrovsk Komsomol regional organization in 1986–91, and the Ukrainian Oleksandr Turchynov, who worked with Tihipko as head of the agitation and propaganda division in the same Komsomol regional organisation in 1987–90. Tihipko and Turchynov initiated and ‘ideologically justified’ the first Komsomol businesses in the region. Two other Komsomol members, who also graduated from the same institute as Tihipko and Turchynov, Kolomoyskyy and Viktor Pinchuk, both of Jewish origin, started their careers not in the official Komsomol business, but on the black market of Dnipropetrovsk, trading various goods, and using their financial and engineering skills for their own survival in the conditions of economic collapse of late socialism. Kolomoyskyy used his financial skills and connections with Tihipko to organize its own financial corporation Privatbank, which became the most successful bank in post-Soviet Ukraine. Pinchuk, using his engineering and managerial skills, founded his own metallurgical venture, entitled Interpipe Company. It is noteworthy that all four of those Komsomol members, two Ukrainian and two Jewish, used their personal connections through their friends and partners from Pivdenmash, including through its last director Leonid Kuchma, to start their first businesses in Dnipropetrovsk (see Golovko 2012). In the mid-1980s, when perestroika created favourable conditions for the managerial skills of Komsomol activists, this system produced new activities for cultural consumption, such as video salons which brought their organisers more profits than traditional discotheque clubs. The video business used the same infrastructure and network of the discotheque movement; namely international tourism, Komsomol activists, trade union leaders and the ‘discotheque mafia.’ This network contributed to the business career of two fans of Western popular music, Yulia Tymoshenko and her husband, Oleksandr (Popov, Milshtein, 55; Ponamarchuk). Yulia Grigian (Telegina) was the daughter of Armenian taxi-driver Grigian and Russian technical worker Telegina, a fan of British rock music. Yulia Grigian married Oleksandr Tymoshenko, son of a member of the city KPU committee in the Pivdenmash administration. In 1978, Yulia Tymoshenko joined the student Komsomol organization in the Department of Economy at Dnipropetrovsk State University. This department was opened on the initiative of the Pivdenmash administration in 1977 to provide training for qualified economists in Dnipropetrovsk’s growing military industrial complex. Yulia Tymoshenko graduated with honours from the Department of Economy in 1984 and began her first job as an engineer-economist through the connections of her father-in-law, Hennadii Tymoshenko. For five years, she worked at the Lenin machine building plant, another factory which belonged to the Soviet military industrial complex. In 1979, she gave birth to her daughter Yevhenia, and until 1988 she and her husband enjoyed a typical Soviet upper-middle class life in their one-bedroom cooperative apartment. They continued to watch movies, listen to Western pop music, and occasionally visited and danced in well-known discotheque clubs in downtown Dnipropetrovsk (Popov and Milshtein 2006, 64–67; Suvorov 1991). Perestroika changed the young Tymoshenko family. Hennadii Tymoshenko recommended his son and daughter-in-law to join the co-operative movement and promised his support through the city’s KPU and Soviet administration. In 1988, the young Tymoshenkos used their old connections in the Komsomol discothèque world to open a public service enterprise, a video-rental shop in Dnipropetrovsk, with 5,000 borrowed Soviet roubles. The profits made from this first venture were used to open a chain of video rental stores. They used the experience of Komsomol apparatchiks, who brought their first VCRs in Dnipropetrovsk through Sputnik. Contacts in the discotheque movement helped provide these apparatchiks with Western video tapes and an audience which was ready to consume new Western cultural products. Former discotheque enthusiasts tested these new business practices and proposed the idea of video salons, which had already become the most popular and fashionable form of entertainment Moscow and the three Baltic republics. As a result, during perestroika both the Komsomol and ‘discotheque mafia’ provided infrastructure for these salons in Dnipropetrovsk. When in 1987the KGB opened the city of Dnipropetrovsk to foreigners, Pivdenmash imported thousands of VCRs using barter agreements with South Korean businessmen. As a regional KPU apparatchik who oversaw the distribution of movies throughout the Dnipropetrovsk region (kinoprokat), Yulia Tymoshenko’s father-in-law had access not only to these Korean VCRs but also to local movie theatres which provided the first mass audience for video films. The main base of a Tymoshenko’s ‘video enterprise’ was the location of the former central Komsomol discotheque club of Dnipropetrovsk oblast– the Student Palace in the Taras Shevchenko Park of Culture and Relaxation in downtown Dnipropetrovsk (Popov and Milshtein 2006, 52–89; Ponamarchuk 2007). In 1989, she quit her old engineer-economist job and became the head of the Terminal co-operative. The same year, another participant in the ‘discotheque mafia,’ Serhiy Tihipko, was elected as the first secretary of the Komsomol organization of Dnipropetrovsk oblast. He not only supported Tymoshenko’s enterprise, but also brought his additional discotheque and Sputnik connections into Terminal. In this way, discotheque activists and Komsomol apparatchiks contributed to the growth and popularity of Tymoshenko’s business (Tihipko). In 1991 after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and Soviet state tourism, the representatives of the Brezhnev era Komsomol elite, such as Tymoshenko demonstrated again that a skilful adjustment of this network to the new economic situation was an important foundation for success in post-Soviet business activities. The initial capital of Terminal, the music and video Komsomol enterprise which Tymoshenko had launched during ‘the discotheque era’ of late socialism, became the foundation of her business and political career in post-Soviet Ukraine. Epilogue: Dnipropetrovsk Komsomol Entrepreneurs and the Formation of Post-Soviet Oligarchs Political corruption in the post-Soviet geopolitical space is rooted in cultural consumption during the Brezhnev era, especially in the so-called ‘discotheque effect’ on society during the era of ‘mature socialism.’ During this period of late socialism in the USSR, millions of Soviet young people, loyal members of Komsomol, fell in love with the catchy sound of ‘beat music’ by the Beatles and hard rock by Deep Purple. Even ten years after dissolution of the Soviet Union, the post-Soviet space was ruled by former Soviet hard rock fans, representatives of the so-called ‘Deep Purple generation,’ new post-Soviet politicians, such as Russian Prime-Minister Dmitri Medvedev, twice Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, President Petro Poroshenko and former Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili. Paradoxically, détente in the 1970s led to the influx of Western cultural products into the USSR, such as popular music and feature films. As a result, Soviet ideologists, including the Komsomol, attempted to control Soviet consumption of cultural products from the West using ‘Komsomol discothèques’ where Soviet young people could dance to ‘ideologically permitted’ Soviet and Western music. Contemporaries called these organizers ‘disco mafia’ in the industrial cities of Eastern Ukraine. By the end of perestroika in 1991, more than 100 Komsomol businesses had emerged in industrial cities in Eastern Soviet Ukraine, of which more than ninety originated in the city of Dnipropetrovsk (Zhuk 2010, 301). Only a few of the most successful enterprises survived post-Soviet competition during the 1990s and created ‘new business corporations’ such as Yulia Tymoshenko’s ‘Gas Empire,’ Kolomoyskyy’s and Tihipko’s Privatbank, Aleksandr Balashov’s ‘Trade Corporation’ and Rinat Akhmetov’s Liuks. The overwhelming majority of these post-Soviet successful businesses were organised by or directly connected to the ‘disco mafia.’ At the same time, the first Dnipropetrovsk ‘capitalists’ demonstrated a wide range of ethnic backgrounds, from the Ukrainian Tihipko, Armenian-Russian Tymoshenko, Russian Balashov and Jewish Kolomoyskyy contributing to the multi-national identity of the city of Dnipropetrovsk and Dnipro. Some contemporaries noted how the business activities of Komsomol ‘entrepreneurs’ in the 1980s contributed to regional identity in Eastern Ukraine. Many of these ‘entrepreneurs’ who were not ethnic Ukrainians became active participants in the Ukrainian independence movement in 1988–1991 to protect their regional business interests rather than defending Ukrainian culture and language. In the 1990s, former members of the Soviet ‘discotheque mafia’ and their former KPU supervisors became an integral part of the business and political life of independent Ukraine. As leaders of oligarchic clans in Ukraine they have resisted Russian expansion into their ‘spheres of influence.’ The case of Volodymyr Zelenskyy, elected in April 2019, whose entire career was generated inside the Soviet-based system of television entertainment, continues to demonstrate the connection between ‘post-Komsomol‘ business and political careers. Zelenskyy began his acting career in 95-yi Kvartal, which was a reference to a neighbourhood in Kryvyy Rih, where he had grown up and was inspired by the 1960s Soviet television show KVN. As we see, the Dnipropetrovsk and Dnipro elites, who are still rooted in their Soviet past, play a significant role in the development of independent Ukraine. References Berkhoff, Karel C., (2004). Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine under Nazi Rule. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Bolebrukh, Anatolii G. et al., eds., (2001). Dnipropetrovsk: vikhy istorii. Dnipropetrovsk: Grani. Derzhavnyy arkhiv Dnipropetrovskoyi oblasti (hereafter – DADO), f. 19, op. 52, spr. 72. Dnepropetrovskii raketno-kosmicheskii tsentr: Kratkii ocherk stanovlenia i razvitia. (1994). DAZ-YuMZ-KBYu: Khronika dat i sobytii. Dnipropetrovsk: YUMZ. Glushkina, Liudmila G. ed. (1985). Tsentral’noe Statisticheskoe Upravlenie Dnepropetrovskoi oblasti. Dnepropetrovshchina v tsifrakh. (K 40-letiu pobedy v Velikoi Otechestvennoi voine). Dnipropetrovsk: Gosstat. Golovko, Volodymyr. (2012). Ukrainski finasovo-promyslovi grupy v modernizatsiinykh protsesakh 1991-2009. Kyiv: Instytut istorii Ukrainy NAN Ukrainy. Goskomstat USSR. Dnepropetrovskoe oblatnoe upravlenie statistiki. (1991). Naselenie Dnepropetrovskoi oblasti po dannym Vsesoiuznoi perepisi naseleniia 1989 goda. Dnepropetrovsk: Gosstat. Hall, Rex, Shayler, David J. (2001). The Rocket Men: Vostok and Voskhod, the First Soviet Manned Spaceflights. Chichester, NJ: Springer. Horbulin, Volodymyr P. et al. eds. (1998). Zemni shlyakhy i zoryani orbity. Shtrykhy do portreta Leonida Kuchmy. Kyiv: DrUk. Kuznetskii, Mikhail I., Stazheva, Irina V. eds. (1995). Baikonur – chudo XX veka: Vospominania vevteranov Baikonura ob akademike Mikhaile Kuzmiche Yangele. Moscow: Kosmos. Kuznetskii, Mikhail I. ed. (1997). Baikonur, Korolev, Yangel. Voronezh: Kosmos. Lazebnik, Valentina I. (2001). G. A. Efimenko ed., Oziorka nasha: Istoricheskii ocherk o Dnepropetrovskom Tsentralnom rynke. Dnipropetrovsk: Grani. Lukanov, Yuriy. (1996). Tretii president: Politychnyi portret Leonida Kuchmy. Kyiv: Taki Spravy. Markov, Karlo A. (1995). Uchastie nemetskikh voennoplennykh i internirovannykh v vosstanovlenii narodnogo khoziaistva Dnepropetrovskoi oblastiv pervye polevoennye gody. Voprosy Germanskoi istorii: Ukrainsko-nemetskie sviazi v novoe i noveishee vremia. Mezhvuzovskii sbornik nauchnykh trudov, In: Svetlana Bobyliova, ed., Dnipropetrovsk: DDU, 158–172. Mlechin, Leonid M. (2005). Brezhnev. Moscow: Molodaia gvardia. Nahaylo, Bohdan. (1999). The Ukrainian Resurgence. Toronto: Hurst. O vozrastnoi structure, urovne obrazovania, natsional’nom sostave, iazykakh i istochnikakh sredstv sushchestvovania naselenia Dnepropetrovskoi oblasti po dannym Vsessoiuznoi perepisis naselenia na 15 ianvaria 1970 goda. (1971). Dneprovskaia Pravda, June 26. Pikhovshek, Vyacheslav, et al., eds. (1996). ‘Dnipropetrovska simya’: Informatsia stanom na 25 lystopada 1996 roku. Kyiv: Ukrainian Centre for Independent Political Research. Pikhovshek, Vyacheslav et al. Eds. (1996). Dnipropetrovsk vs. Security Service. Kyiv: Lybed. Platonov, Vitalii P. and Horbulin, Volodymyr.P. (1979). Mykhaylo K. Yangel. Kyiv: Nauka. Plyushch, Leonid. (1979). History’s Carnival: A Dissident’s Autobiography. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Ponamarchuk, Dmytro. (2007). Prosto Yulia. Izvestia, September 20. Popov, Dmitrii, and Milshtein, Ilia. (2006). Oranzhevaia printsessa. Zagadka Yulii Timoshenko. Moscow: Izdatel’stvo Ol’gi Morozovoi. Romanov, Aleksandr P., Gubarev, Vladimir S. (1989). Konstruktory. Moscow: Molodaia gvardia. Siddiqi, Asif A. (2003). Sputnik and the Soviet Space Challenge. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Elberg-Wilson, Eliot. (2016). ‘Eduard Artem’iev and the Sonics of National Identity,’ Slovo, 28, 2: 2–25. Strazheva, Irina V. (1978). Tiulpany s kosmodroma. Moscow: Molodaia gvardia. Vasiliev, I. V. et al. eds. (1977). Istoria gorodov i siol Ukrainskoi SSR v 26-ti tomakh: Dnepropetrovskaia oblast. Kyiv: Glavnaia redaktsia Ukrainskoi Sovestskoi Entsiklopedii. Vosstanovlenie Pridneprovia (1946–1950). (1980). Dokumenty i materially. Kyiv: Nauka. Wilson, Andrew. (2000). The Ukrainians: Unexpected Nation. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press Zhuk, Sergei. (2004). Russia’s Lost Reformation: Peasants, Millennialism and Radical Sects in Southern Russia and Ukraine, 1830–1917. Baltimore, MD & Washington D.C: Johns Hopkins University Press and Woodrow Wilson Centre Press. Zhuk, Sergei (2010). Rock and Roll in the Rocket City: The West, Identity, and Ideology in Soviet Dniepropetrovsk, 1960–1985. Baltimore, MD & Washington D.C: Johns Hopkins University Press and Woodrow Wilson Centre Press. **Interviews**Igor T., KGB officer, 15 May 1991, Dnipropetrovsk. Karlo A. Markov, 12 April 1992, Dnipropetrovsk State University. Mikhail Suvorov, 1 June 1991, Dnipropetrovsk. Natalia V. Bocharova, 15 March 1993, Dnipropetrovsk State University. Sergiy Tihipko, director of Privatbank in Dnipropetrovsk, 12 October 1993, Dnipropetrovsk. Yevhen D. Prudchenko and Halyna V. Smolenska, 18 July 2007, Central Library of Dnipropetrovsk oblast, Dnipropetrovsk. Notes [1] I used also numerous interviews conducted with my relatives, who are ethnic Ukrainians, but live in Moscow, Russia, who still support Russian President Vladimir Putin’s anti-Ukrainian politics. [2] Sovnarkhoz is abbreviated from Russian Sovet narodnogo khoziaistva, an economic department in the Soviet government during the early Stalin era and during Khrushchev’s reforms.
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The NVIDIA story is a BFD
Jensen Huang, the CEO of Nvidia, one of the world’s most valuable companies and perhaps the most strategically important corporation to the future of the United States, resigned after admitting to an extramarital affair with a woman U.S. intelligence officials believe was a Chinese spy. This is a big fucking deal. Thanks, Captain Obvious. But my impression is that the political world is under-reacting to the Nvidia story. We’re overdue to have at least an initial newsletter covering it. I don’t expect this to become a Silver Bulletin obsession, but the overlap between politics and AI is well within our purview, and this story falls within those sightlines. I’m going to do this as one of those “13 thoughts” bullet-pointed lists that can make for a nice shortcut for these developing news stories. The usual ground rule is that I’m working through my thinking with you in real time, so treat this as provisional. To be clear, this is political analysis, not a scandal explainer. For more about the scandal itself, read Zvi or listen to these recent editions of Odd Lots or Search Engine: Basically, what those describe is that this story isn’t just about Jensen Huang having slept with an alleged Chinese agent, Alice Huang. As this New York Times graphic illustrates, there’s also a broader penumbra of suspicion related to a company called Megaspeed, which Alice Huang ran and which bought Nvidia chips through Nvidia’s hardware partners. U.S. authorities began investigating Megaspeed in 2024, during the Biden administration, over whether it diverted advanced Nvidia chips to China in violation of U.S. export controls. The Commerce Department’s work on the probe was paused in late 2025, and the case was “abruptly transferred” to the Justice Department, the Times reported. My 13 thoughts A canonically good bet is to “buy the rumor but sell the news.” In other words, to bet on people overreacting. That would have been good advice in the case of Haley Stevens’s endorsement of Mike Rogers, for instance. But I think there’s a case for buying the news when the news cycle is particularly busy. The political news world has been knee-deep in the midterms, which is an absolutely massive story given the magnitude of the Democratic sweep. I don’t think it’s an exaggeration to say it’s one of the bigger political earthquakes of the century. However, public attention spans and journalistic bandwidth are finite resources. The timing might lead one to downplay the magnitude of the Nvidia story. It will probably build. In terms of the magnitude, the comparison that comes to mind is the onset of the Iran War, which also dropped amid a busy news cycle1. Nvidia is not the same sort of story, but it is of roughly the same shape and size, because there are tripartite implications for the economy, for geopolitics and for domestic politics.
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A New Mexico lawmaker and two reporters join the latest episode of "Searchlight New Mexico with Ed Williams" to break down why data center development has been rapid amid pushback.
Science got a lifeline: Now comes the hard part.
One of the most maddening things that has happened in the last two years of Trump 2.0 has been the gutting of medical research. Since losing my husband to colon cancer and my sister to pancreatic cancer, as well as many friends to various cancers and other diseases, supporting science and scientists has become a mission for me. That’s one reason I co-founded Stand Up To Cancer in 2008 — to raise money and awareness for cancer research and encourage scientists to collaborate instead of compete, which was a novel idea back then. If two heads were better than one, we reckoned that ten heads were better than two. So we organized our scientists and researchers into “dream teams” where they could share ideas and approaches and move science forward faster. Our work has been fruitful — we have raised over $800 million, and our research has contributed to several new FDA-approved drugs, like Keytruda. But I know very well that we have miles to go before we sleep and so much work to do when it comes to all kinds of diseases that take the lives of far too many Americans every year — often in the prime of their lives. So when the Trump administration started cutting our scientific infrastructure, it made me crazy. Clinical trials were stopped midstream, labs were abandoned, Ph.D. programs were dismantled, and talented scientists with potentially lifesaving ideas were left unfunded and dejected. In fact, many left their fields altogether or moved to countries where their work would be more valued and supported, financially and otherwise. That’s why, amid all the post-election analysis, I’ve been especially interested in what the midterms could mean for the future of American science. With Democrats winning both chambers of Congress, there’s finally an opportunity to push back against the Trump administration’s attacks on scientific research and public health. Will anything change now that a whole slew of new sheriffs is in town? My friend Dr. Jeremy Faust recently posed this question to a group of physicians, researchers, and health policy experts for his newsletter, Inside Medicine: What could the new Congress realistically accomplish with President Trump still in the White House? Jeremy asked me, too.
Baton Rouge teen holds instrument drive for middle school music students to become Eagle Scout
Baton Rouge Magnet High student Emmett Murphy is hosting an instrument drive at Glasgow Middle to fulfill his Eagle Scout project and support talented music students.
Healthy Ageing in LMICs: 3 Ways to Support Older People
Healthy ageing faces unique challenges. Discover three strategies to deliver better elderly care in lower- and middle-income countries.
Alabama-Quassarte leadership dispute draws Kalshi deal into court
A lawsuit seeks to block the Alabama-Quassarte Tribal Town’s proposed Kalshi-powered app amid a dispute over tribal leadership and authority to approve the deal.
Threats, violence, intimidation: French journalists warn of mounting attacks on press freedom
OP-ED. While numerous political figures have made hostile, even threatening remarks toward the press, 32 journalists' associations condemn the violence that several reporters have suffered at the hands of police. They stress that the fundamental right to information must be protected by law.
How Landslides Renew American Politics
The ideological and policy implications of this month’s massive Democratic midterm victory remain far from clear. The public roundly rejected Republicans but still has a very low opinion of Democrats. And since congressional Democrats won’t have the numbers to routinely override presidential vetoes and did not even run on any shared agenda, they aren’t likely to chart any aggressive new direction in governing over the next two years. But in the long run, it may be the sheer scale and breadth of the Democrats’ win that matters most, and that may signal the dawning of a new phase of American political life. Either party could plausibly dominate that next phase, or power could continue to swing back and forth. But simply by making large majorities imaginable again, and so focusing political competition on the median voter and the challenge of building broad coalitions, this election could allow for some renewal in our constitutional system.
AAPI Voters Emerge as ‘Movable Middle’ in Midterms
AAPI voters shifted toward Democrats in significant numbers during the midterms but data show their votes are tied to issues rather than party preference.
Forecasting the US Midterm Congressional Elections Without Poll Data -
Forecasting the 2026 US Midterm Elections Forecasting the US Midterm Congressional Elections Without Poll Data By Paul F. Whiteley, University of Essex This article develops a long-term forecasting model for the US midterm elections which [...]
9 Charts That Show the Democrats’ Midterm Dominance
Sometimes, pictures tell the story more fully than words. That may be the case with the 2026 midterm elections. Here are nine charts that explain the scale and causes of the Democratic wave on Nov. 3. Why Did Republicans Fare So Poorly? It’s pretty simple: President Donald Trump was unpopular. His ...
Marshall for The Hill: The Midterm Avalanche Reveals a New Political Geography
Nobody predicted the stunning sweep and depth of Democratic gains in last week’s midterm elections. More than a wave, it was an avalanche that revealed new contours in America’s political geography. It’s probably time to toss those red-blue election maps we’ve become so used to since 2000. They show the main parties hunkered down behind […]
Predictions, Retrodictions, and Expectations in Science
Imagine that you are hiking in a remote area far from civilization and you encounter a cabin in the midst of a forest.
UK entertainment industry faces 'reckoning' over sex scandals
Britain's world-renowned entertainment sector is facing mounting calls to usher in sweeping reforms and greater oversight, amid a fresh slew of rape and sexual abuse allegations against some of its powerful…
Van Hollen to challenge Schumer for Senate Democratic leader
Democratic Sen. Chris Van Hollen of Maryland said Thursday that he will run for Senate Majority Leader in the next Congress, setting up a challenge to Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer after the party swept to power in the midterm elections.
UK entertainment industry faces 'reckoning' over sex scandals
Britain's world-renowned entertainment sector is facing mounting calls to usher in sweeping reforms and greater oversight, amid a fresh slew of rape and sexual abuse allegations against some of its po...
Karl Rove: Texas midterms ‘would have been different’ if Cornyn received Senate nomination over Paxton
In an interview with Houston Public Media, the former Bush Administration official said he was surprised by the depth of Democrats’ success in the midterm election but said Texas had “special circumstances” with its Senate race.
Sailing toward its 10th year in business, Pa. winery ‘finally’ shipping to its club members
Pray Tell Wines, the producer with Philly roots that debuted in Oregon and then moved back home several years ago, had some good news to share in an email earlier this week. Founder Tom Caruso said that he was writing to tell his customers that the winery was “finally” shipping its wine club across 38 states. “I've had the privilege of working with some amazing wineries prior to starting Pray Tell and I've always work-shopped ways I would build our own club,” he wrote. “Seeing it come to fruition at our cellar door in Philadelphia these past two years has been a remarkable privilege. A local community of folks, many of whom come by weekly for a glass of wine and a conversation, has been what I've always dreamt of -- A Cheers bar for the wine fan. “But the gifts of proximity,” the email continued, “have also left us fully incommunicado with so many who have supported us over the years. You’ve likely realized by now, as the shelves of Pray Tell at your local shop have run dry, that we stopped all distribution. As a winery producing less than two thousand cases a year, we wanted to be able to keep up with the demands close to home. But we’ve been working hard to build a cellar and club that we think is something particularly special - Wines for our club. Just for our club. It’s some of our best work to date.” Club members get six different bottles of wine in each of the May and November shipments, and also access to purchase more from it club exclusive list (featuring library wines and past club-only wines). The winery, located on the border of the Olde Kensington and Fishtown neighborhoods at 1615 N. Hancock St. and operating inside a renovated warehouse space, is open to the public Thursdays through Saturdays from 3 to 8 p.m. as well as by appointment or for special events. There is a free private parking lot for guests. Caruso operates the winery with Sydney Adams, who among other things assists with the winemaking. For inquiries about private tastings or events, send an email to sydney@praytellwines.com.
U.S. Supreme Court Midterm Health Impacts: 2026-2027 - Petrie-Flom Center
Since the inception of the COVID-19 pandemic, core decisions and interim actions of the U.S. Supreme Court (SCOTUS) have substantially impacted societal health.
Huang's downfall may undo cozy ties between business and government: analysis
The Nvidia founder's downfall and the midterm election could mark a turning point in the recent close relationship between corporate leaders and the federal government.
Huang's downfall may undo cozy ties between business and government: analysis
The Nvidia founder's downfall and the midterm election could mark a turning point in the recent close relationship between corporate leaders and the federal government.
Orange County school board to vote on teacher health care contract dispute
The dispute comes down to health care costs. A special magistrate was brought in to find middle ground between the school district and the union, but the two sides could not reach an agreement.
Republicans dazed by midterm election defeats grapple with what went wrong
Republicans are grappling with unexpected losses after the midterm elections. National Republican Congressional Committee chair Rep. Richard Hudson acknowledges the party's failure to connect with voters on key issues like
Law and Politics faculty weigh midterm election implications for American democracy
The panelists discussed what they found surprising about the election outcome, the health of American democracy, American general public opinion and the future of the country's political landscape.
“Either a Great Story or it Doesn’t Go Well”: Analyst Lists Bryce Underwood on Texas A&M’s Radar Amid Question Marks Over Marcel Reed
Bryce Underwood has had a very underwhelming campaign so far with the Michigan Wolverines, and with head coach Kyle Whittingham putting his faith in Tommy Carr, Underwood’s future is in serious doubt. Analyst Adam Breneman believes Underwood should be on Texas A&M’s radar amid its own quarterback issues with Marcel Reed.
Van Hollen takes aim at Schumer as Democrats face first big test after midterms
Senator Van Hollen says midterm results show Americans want change in Washington, and Democrats need new leadership to deliver that
DR Congo Ebola outbreak: armed groups unrest hold back response
The Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) continues to spread amid repeated and ongoing deadly attacks on civilians and frontline health workers by armed groups that are obstructing efforts to stop transmission, UN responders said on Friday.
Apple Launches Two Products Today
Apple is releasing two new products today, Friday, November 13: the all-new Apple HomeView and the fourth-generation Apple TV 4K, both of which have been available to pre-order since mid-October. Apple HomeView: Apple's new smart home display, powered by Apple Intelligence with Siri AI, for entertainment and managing the home. Available in tabletop and wall-mounted models, it can recognize up to six users by face, each with a personalized Home Screen. The HomeView is priced at $299.
Trump’s tariffs face a new threat: Republicans
In the two years since President Donald Trump unveiled a slew of aggressive tariffs on America’s global trading partners, the prospect of stock market backlash has been the biggest restraint on his agenda. The midterms may have just changed that.
Vance confronts a new political reality: 2028 ‘may not be his time’
Vice President JD Vance has given serious consideration to not running for president in 2028 after last week’s calamitous midterm elections, people close to him tell CNN.
How disputes between Israel and Hamas have contributed to the worsening humanitarian situation in Gaza
In war-battered Gaza, heavy rain flooded and damaged thousands of tents. Several people died. Could pressure by Trump's Board of Peace on Israel and Hamas help to ease the humanitarian crisis amid stalled peace talks?
Washtenaw Business Lens: Growing talent pool key to area's economic success
In the aftermath of the mid-term election results, both nationally and statewide, the immediate and long-term effects on local businesses is discussed in this month's "Washtenaw Business Lens." WEMU's Caroline MacGregor sat down with Ann Arbor/Ypsilanti Chamber Director Andy LaBarre and EMU Regent-elect Kirk Profit to discuss what to expect moving forward.
Singtel CEO sees limited impact on data center business amid Nvidia fallout
Singtel Group CEO Yuen Kuan Moon says the company is not heavily affected by the Nvidia news, despite using Nvidia’s GPUs. He attributes this to its data centers also serving cloud and enterprise customers, not just AI workloads. He also says Singtel builds slightly behind demand, with about 90% of capacity contracted by commissioning, which keeps capex measured.
Ex-Maine governor flips House seat in a rare midterm win for Republicans
Paul LePage defeated a progressive Democrat, Matt Dunlap, in the state’s rural Second Congressional District.
Chris Van Hollen to Challenge Chuck Schumer for Senate Majority Leader
Maryland Democrat steps into race amid lingering frustration with party leadership.
In their own words: Political science professors share insight on 2026 midterms implications
Before the 2026 midterm elections, Republicans had the majority of the House, 218-214, and majority of the Senate, 53-47. Pew Research conducted a survey in May discovering 5,103 U.S. adults, 58%, had an unfavorable view of the Republican party. After the elections, Democrats have majority of the House unofficially at, 255-169, and majority of the...
Wins by religious Democrats break Republican grip on faith in politics
Wins by a string of openly religious Democratic candidates in last week's midterm elections have broken the Republican stranglehold on integrating faith and politics, a change that could reshape America's…