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President Trump’s $90 Medicare rebate rolls out, but millions aren’t eligible. Critics see a political stunt.
President Donald Trump says his administration will make one-time payments of $90 per person to help more than 20 million Medicare enrollees pay for their Part B premiums. It will cost about $2 billion.
Trump expected to award science medal to SpaceX's Elon Musk, Fox News reports
US President Donald Trump is expected to award the National Medal of Science to SpaceX CEO Elon Musk, Fox News reported.
Trump to appear at White House science event on Thursday
By Courtney Rozen WASHINGTON, Oct 7 (Reuters) - US President Donald Trump will speak at a White House event on scientific discovery on Thursday, according to a social media post from his tech adviser Michael Kratsios. The event will highlight the Tru...
Trump expected to award science medal to SpaceX’s Elon Musk, Fox News reports
WASHINGTON, Oct 7 (Reuters) - US President Donald Trump is expected to award the National Medal of Science to SpaceX CEO Elon Musk, Fox News reported. The National Medal of Science is the nation's highest honor for scientists and engineers, accor...
Trump expected to award science medal to SpaceX’s Elon Musk, Fox News reports
WASHINGTON, Oct 7 (Reuters) - US President Donald Trump is expected to award the National Medal of Science to SpaceX CEO Elon Musk, Fox News reported. The National Medal of Science is the nation's highest honor for scientists and engineers, accor...
Trump makes third trip to Texas in less than a month despite Paxton audio leaks
President Donald Trump is making his third trip to Texas in less than a month to stump for a Senate candidate who’s privately questioned his political capital and whom the president has publicly insulted in personal terms.
What’s with Trump’s cheap suit?
The fact that President Donald Trump was photographed flashing a suit tag from a bargain brand of imported suits should not really be news.
Trump's $90 Medicare rebate rolls out, but millions are left out. Critics say it's a political stunt
President Donald Trump's Trump’s promised $90 Medicare rebate rolls out this week, but millions of people will be left out.
Trump's $90 Medicare rebate rolls out, but millions are left out. Critics say it's a political stunt
President Donald Trump's Trump’s promised $90 Medicare rebate rolls out this week, but millions of people will be left out.
Trump to award National Medal of Science to Musk, Brin, Huang, and Su at White House
A high-profile group of tech leaders is expected to be honored at the White House on Thursday, with President Donald Trump planned to present.
Trump floats firing top political advisers after report they helped a pro-Russian government
President Donald Trump distanced himself on Wednesday from two of his top political advisers — less than 30 days before the midterm elections — writing that if their outside work presents a conflict, “I will terminate them, immediately!”
Trump says he'll fire advisers LaCivita, Blair 'if there's a conflict'
US President Donald Trump on Wednesday said he would immediately fire his advisers Chris LaCivita and James Blair "if there's a conflict," following a New York Times report that the two political operatives visited the Bosnian territory of Republika Srpska.
Trump says he'll fire advisers LaCivita, Blair 'if there's a conflict'
WASHINGTON, Oct 7 () - US President Donald Trump on Wednesday said he would immediately fire his advisers Chris LaCivita and James Blair "if there's a conflict," following a New York Times report t...
Trump Says He'll Fire Advisers LaCivita, Blair 'If There's a Conflict'
WASHINGTON, Oct 7 (Reuters) - US President Donald Trump on Wednesday said he would immediately fire his advisers Chris LaCivita and James Blair "if there's a conflict," following a New York Times report that the two political operatives visited the Bosnian territory of Republika Srpska. The ...
Trump to campaign for Ken Paxton, Carlos De La Cruz in San Antonio today
President Donald Trump is making his third swing through Texas on behalf of Republican candidates in just under a month.
Trump expected to award science medal to SpaceX's Elon Musk, Fox News reports
By Courtney Rozen WASHINGTON, Oct 7 (Reuters) - US President Donald Trump is expected to award the National Medal of Science to SpaceX CEO Elon Musk, Fox News reported.
Jimmy Kimmel threatens to call the FCC on Trump for suggesting Iran should bomb California
Jimmy Kimmel threatened to call the FCC on Donald Trump after the president suggested Iran bomb California during a midterm election rally.
What happened in the first Maine Senate debate between Collins and Jackson
Republican Sen. Susan Collins distanced herself from President Donald Trump during her first Maine Senate debate with Democrat Troy Jackson, arguing she has maintained her political independence by repeatedly voting against Trump's agenda and saying that she's “not exactly his favorite senator.”
Michigan Republican Senate candidate Mike Rogers breaks with Trump on tariffs
Mike Rogers, the Republican Senate nominee in Michigan, is breaking with President Donald Trump over his tariffs on Canada in a new advertisement.
Michigan Republican Senate candidate Mike Rogers breaks with Trump on tariffs
(CNN) — Mike Rogers, the Republican Senate nominee in Michigan, is breaking with President Donald Trump over his tariffs on Canada in a new advertisement.
In first Maine Senate debate, Collins seeks to distance herself from Trump
Republican U.S. Sen. Susan Collins has distanced herself from President Donald Trump during her first Maine Senate debate with Democratic opponent Troy Jackson.
Florida poll: Republicans lead in the races for governor and Senate
The new survey shows the state’s Hispanic voters shifting away from President Donald Trump after Republicans made gains in 2024.
Food Aid Enrollment Tanks After SNAP Rule Changes
It’s been more than a year since President Donald Trump signed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, and SNAP enrollment is down more than 20% in Louisiana. Anti-hunger groups say far more people could lose access if states are required to cover more of the food program’s cost.
Takeaways: Trump and abortion rights take center stage in first Maine Senate debate
GOP Sen. Susan Collins and her Democratic challenger, Troy Jackson, sparred over President Donald Trump and abortion rights in their first debate Tuesday night in Maine’s all-important Senate race with control of the chamber at stake.
Abortion and Trump spotlighted in Maine Senate debate
GOP Sen. Susan Collins and her Democratic challenger, Troy Jackson, sparred over President Donald Trump and abortion rights in their first debate Tuesday night in Maine’s all-important Senate race with control of the chamber at stake.
Trump’s comment about Iran nuking Los Angeles and San Diego was incoherent, not malicious
President Donald Trump says many bizarre and even hateful things. But signaling he would allow Iran to nuke Los Angeles and San Diego is not one of them.
What did people who went to Trump’s Nebraska rally have to say?
While the perception of Republicans seems gloomy ahead of the midterms, thousands came to see and support President Donald Trump at his rally.
Trump won't reimburse US for political ads, in fresh u-turn
US President Donald Trump will not reimburse taxpayers for political ads that have already aired, the White House said Tuesday in a fresh reversal on the controversial television spots.But on Tuesday ...
Republicans to spend $5 million in South Carolina Senate race as Trump plans trip there
The primary Senate Republican super PAC is sending reinforcements to South Carolina as President Donald Trump prepares to visit and boost Sen. Darline Graham | Newsradio 1140 WRVA
Thune presses Trump for more funding toward battleground races red
Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-SD) on Monday revealed he is pressing President Donald Trump for more funding toward battleground races in the midterm elections, as Republicans fight to stave off losses in November. Thune said that he’s been emphasizing the question of resources for candidates during conversations with Trump and the president’s advisers, in […]
After taxpayer-funded ads glorifying Trump sparked backlash, he says his super PAC will pay instead
In a post on his social media site, President Donald Trump defended the ads, which cost at least $1.5 million in federal funds and have drawn intense criticism.
Susan Collins, a political survivor, tries to outrun Trump
In her bid for a sixth term representing Maine, Susan Collins has been beset by President Donald Trump weighing her down with constant controversy.
From Amoral Politics to Immoral Politics: The Influence of the Trump Administration
Azmi Bishara examines the impact of sustained exposure to the rhetoric and practices of US President Donald Trump’s administration on public moral values and ethical norms, in the United States and elsewhere, distinguishing between amoral politics and the justification of immoral political discourse and conduct.
Democrat Hickenlooper takes aim at Iran war in 1st general election ad
U.S. Sen. John Hickenlooper ties soaring fertilizer and fuel costs to what the Colorado Democrat calls President Donald Trump’s “illegal war” with Iran in the first general election TV ad, released on Tuesday by his campaign. In the 30-second spot, made available first to Colorado Politics, Hickenlooper links costs stemming from of the 31-week-old conflict […]
Brazil: Lessons from a Disaster
By Antonio Martins (Outras Palavras) Defeats become deeper and more prolonged when we misunderstand what caused them, avoid correcting course, and embrace “solutions” that only compound our mistakes. Lula’s government and the Brazilian left suffered a disaster in Sunday’s election. Contrary to every poll, the president finished the first round 2.2 million votes behind Flávio Bolsonaro—and, more significantly, 3.4 million votes below his total four years ago, when the machinery of the state was working against him and in favor of his opponent. His vote share declined in 98 percent of Brazil’s municipalities. The PL, the main party of the far right, elected 121 deputies and 28 senators, becoming the largest caucus in both houses of Congress. The parties aligned with the Centrão—Brazil’s bloc of transactional center-right parties—were somewhat diminished, but will still hold roughly 250 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 35 in the Senate. That will make it easier to assemble the majorities needed to amend the Constitution or impeach Supreme Federal Court justices. If elected, Flávio Bolsonaro could appoint four members of the Court, substantially altering its internal balance of power. What produced these results? How can the far right be prevented from consolidating them into a prolonged political hegemony? And what is the essential change of direction the left now needs? Explaining the Disaster Across the commercial media and the exuberant chaos of digital platforms, interpretations are multiplying. Some focus on specific episodes: Lula’s absence from the Globo debate, his very close relationship with Alexandre de Moraes, or his emphasis on issues supposedly remote from most people’s everyday concerns, such as rare earth minerals. Among the more systemic interpretations, three seem especially questionable. One argues that the principal defeat was not the left’s, since its congressional representation declined only slightly. The decisive movement captured at the ballot box, according to this view, was a shift within the right itself—from the more moderate and transactional forces of the Centrão toward the more ideological and radicalized forces of the PL and Novo. A second interpretation holds that the nature of electoral and political processes has changed. The material interests and aspirations of society, it argues, no longer play the central role they once did; they have given way to forms of subjective self-identification that the left has yet to understand. And a third concludes that, because of these two developments, we should expect a political winter: a prolonged period in which the far right and the broader right dominate Brazilian political life. There are important elements in all three interpretations. The problem lies in what they deny or leave out: Lula’s third government was a small-bore government. It offered the majorities that elected it neither a clearly better life nor reasons to believe again in politics and its power to transform society. These failures flowed from two fatal accommodations, which I will examine below. As a result, the government suffered a slow but steady erosion of support. And, as has happened in so many Western countries, it gave the far right the opportunity to present itself as anti-system and to benefit from popular frustration and distress. The interpretation that emphasizes the migration of votes from the center-right and traditional right toward the far right has been advanced, among others, by the courageous journalist Leonardo Sakamoto. In his UOL column on Monday, October 5, he highlights the miserable behavior of the traditional conservative parties. Over the past four years, they repeatedly joined forces with the “neo”-fascists, helping to “normalize” them—a criticism that could equally be directed at almost the entire corporate media. Believing they could use the far right as a stepping stone, they instead ended up partly devoured by it. This was especially true in the Senate, where the PL’s gain of 13 senators and Novo’s gain of two came at the expense of the PSD, which lost nine; the MDB, which lost two; the PSDB, which lost two; and the PP, which lost one. Sakamoto’s observation is accurate and necessary, but it leaves uncomfortable questions unanswered. Why did the erosion of the Centrão benefit the far right rather than, for example, producing growth for the left—as has happened so many times before, both in Brazil and elsewhere? The answer is not difficult. Throughout its four years in office, Lula’s third government was almost invariably associated with the Centrão. Here lies its first accommodation: accepting the limits imposed by conservative institutions; avoiding, as much as possible, any attempt to strain those limits through popular pressure; and believing only in the modest changes that could be squeezed through openings in Congress. The failure of the campaign to end the six-day workweek is emblematic. Lula could have electrified the presidential race by pairing it with a popular campaign for passage of the measure. Instead, he chose to place his hopes in the hands of Senate president Rodrigo Alcolumbre. He generated no mass mobilization, did not force his opponents onto an uncomfortable defensive, and won no victory. In September 2025, the government squandered the greatest of its many opportunities to shake up conservative power in Congress. Popular opposition to the so-called Shielding Amendment—which, if approved, would have restricted criminal proceedings against members of Congress—brought crowds into the streets, mobilized primarily by artists and social movements. This opened the possibility for a broader political education: a campaign that could begin exposing the limits and dysfunctions of Brazil’s political system while putting Bolsonaro’s movement on the defensive for its predictable support of political privilege. The amendment was defeated. But the executive branch then backed away from the fight. It remained associated with an institutional world widely seen as corrupt, elitist, and indifferent to ordinary people’s struggles. In doing so, it forfeited its credibility as a vehicle for the protest vote. On Sunday, it reaped the bitter fruits. Are We Doomed? Taking a different approach from Sakamoto, the philosopher Moysés Pinto Neto and other writers have drawn attention, in their first analyses of October 4, to the fragmentation of the public sphere produced by Big Tech platforms. Through their algorithms, these platforms present each person with a different view of social reality. As a consequence, it becomes much harder to identify common material problems and demands—for example, the fight for labor rights or for a properly funded public health system. Voters no longer embrace such demands, these authors argue, because they no longer see themselves as part of a collective. Instead, they tend to value the identities assigned to them by neoliberal subjectivity—the role of the entrepreneur, for example. On this interpretation, the left’s possible error lies in clinging to outdated illusions. Moysés’s warning is highly relevant and resonates with arguments such as Naomi Klein and Astra Taylor’s “Apocalyptic Fascism and the Billionaires’ Bet.” Unlike a century ago, the far right no longer promises a radiant future. It concentrates instead on resentment—especially that of young men. “They belong to a generation that fears it may never own a home, but compensates with the pleasure it gets from constantly provoking progressives online. Convinced their future has been stolen, they share memes romanticizing historical authoritarian regimes,” the authors write. But Moysés seems to confuse this danger with inevitability. He fails to see that the left’s answer cannot be adaptation. On the contrary, it must strengthen the possibility of politics as collective action. Nor does he recognize that precisely such a reversal is already becoming possible in some of the most promising mobilizations of the twenty-first century: the election, at the end of 2025, of the young Muslim Zohran Mamdani as mayor of New York, on a platform centered on the intensely material fight for an affordable city; the Left Party’s victory in Berlin two weeks ago, built around the demand to expropriate private real-estate corporations; and the very recent wave of demonstrations in Spain—including an occupation of Madrid’s Puerta del Sol—in which tens of thousands of young people mobilized by the Tenants’ Union have demanded limits on rents. By putting itself in the straitjacket of the “fiscal framework” in the first months of 2022, Lula’s third government adopted the second fatal accommodation of its term. Faced with conservative institutions and a country devastated by four years of Bolsonaro, increased public investment was the government’s remaining weapon for offering a more dignified life to the majority and forging an anti-conservative pact with them. The same state that disburses 1 trillion reais a year to enrich a small class of rentiers could instead spend money to extend the Family Health Strategy to every Brazilian, at a cost of 30 billion reais; provide full-day public schooling and childcare to all adolescents and children—and, especially, relief to their mothers; achieve universal sanitation while cleaning up polluted urban rivers; multiply metro systems; begin transforming the urban peripheries; and undertake many other urgently needed projects. In April 2023, an article in Outras Palavras warned that the fiscal framework could “shrink the Lula government and preserve the forces that condemn the country to inequality and regression.” A year later, another article showed that restraints on public spending were strangling policies vital to ordinary people and undermining the president’s popularity. In November 2024 came a reality check, in the form of the government’s humiliating defeat in the municipal elections. Even then, the fiscal lock was neither removed nor loosened. On the contrary: throughout the government’s four years, fiscal restraint remained central to its political narrative. The administration proudly proclaimed that it had “put the state’s accounts in order,” without grasping either how misleading that phrase was—given the payment of 1 trillion reais in interest—or how badly the message was hurting it politically. Lula finally woke up in September 2026. The increase in Bolsa Família benefits, after four years of being frozen; the announcement that anti-obesity drugs would be offered through Brazil’s public health system; and the ban on online betting showed that the state has the power to act decisively on behalf of the majority when those in government are willing to confront obstacles. The huge marches that closed the campaign in Fortaleza, Salvador, Rio de Janeiro, and São Paulo on the eve of October 4 showed how such initiatives can mobilize activists and the broader public. But it was too late—and too little to change the outcome of the first round. History has not ended The possibility of a turnaround in the three weeks leading up to November 25 cannot be ruled out. It will not be simple or easy. Lula must not only make up a deficit of 2.2 million votes; he must also offset the movement of voters who backed other right-wing candidates in the first round, most of whom are likely to move toward Flávio Bolsonaro. Pulling that off will require a broad, grassroots effort to win over voters, potentially reinforced by new initiatives from Lula. The coming hours and days will be decisive. If Bolsonaro’s movement also wins the presidency, the result will create a high-risk situation for Brazilian sovereignty and democracy. The enormous challenges posed by such an outcome would require the left to reexamine, in depth and with a genuine willingness to engage in self-criticism, its political projects—or its lack of them—and its practices. But would that mean we are condemned to the long winter of far-right hegemony that some analyses are beginning to forecast? It is far too early to say, suggests a recent text by Álvaro García Linera, the thinker who served as vice president of Bolivia under Evo Morales. His central hypothesis is that this political current will prove short-lived. At a moment when the entire world is once again talking about sovereignty and protecting national economies, the far right offers a stale, recolonizing neoliberalism. Its submission to the United States is as blatant and pathetic as Flávio and Eduardo Bolsonaro’s overtures to Donald Trump. Its project amounts to something like every man for himself: greater inequality, capitalism without limits, devastation, and supremacism. Will it work? In the United States, just two years into his second term, Trump himself is reaching record levels of unpopularity and may be on the verge of losing Republican control of both the House and Senate in November. Every new beginning is difficult. Whatever the outcome of the second round, the defeats of October 4 show how profoundly the Brazilian left will have to rethink and rebuild. But just as it would be foolish to underestimate the seriousness of its mistakes, it would be equally foolish to conclude that rebuilding a political project is no longer possible. History has not ended. The times are moving faster than ever. Originally published in Portuguese by Outras Palavras. English translation by Eric Blanc; I’ve added the subtitles. More We can’t stop the far right at home or abroad without a revitalized labor movement, which is yet another reason why you should become a sustaining supporter of the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee (EWOC) — one of US labor’s pivotal bright spots. Relatedly, Jacobin published a short piece of mine reflecting on a decade of Bernie Sanders inspiring a whole new generation of young worker organizers.
NAACP launches voter protection hub for midterm elections
The civil rights organization is stepping up efforts in response to President Donald Trump’s push to change voting rules.
Trump says Iran can 'take out' LA or San Diego during political rally
President Donald Trump faces backlash for saying Iran could 'take out' Los Angeles and San Diego as a 'small price to pay' during Nebraska rally. (Source: POOL)
Trump says Iran can 'take out' LA or San Diego during political rally
President Donald Trump faces backlash for saying Iran could 'take out' Los Angeles and San Diego as a 'small price to pay' during Nebraska rally. (Source: POOL)
Samuel Alito's gift to Democrats
The justice's refusal to retire deprives Donald Trump of a Supreme Court vacancy ahead of likely blue midterm wave
Trump draws backlash after he suggests Iran could ‘take out’ Los Angeles or San Diego
Officials in California denounced comments made by President Donald Trump as “dangerous” on Monday after he appeared to suggest Iran could “take out” Los Angeles or San Diego – major cities in a state he has often criticized.
Commentary: The Trump train runs out of steam
The Donald Trump who took the stage in Mobile on Friday was a far cry from the Trump who packed Ladd-Pebbles Stadium in 2015.
California governor condemns Trump's 'let 'em take Los Angeles' comments
By Steve Gorman LOS ANGELES, Oct 5 (Reuters) - California Governor Gavin Newsom has lashed out at President Donald Trump for remarks to a crowd of his supporters in Nebraska's farm belt suggesting
Trump suggests Iran could 'take out' Los Angeles and San Diego
President Donald Trump suggested Monday during a political rally in Nebraska that Iran could “take out” Los Angeles and San Diego, comments that drew condemnation.
Democrats are taking big chunks of GOP voters in key Senate races, polls show
President Donald Trump has never had worse poll numbers with his base than he does ahead of the 2026 midterm elections.
Trump may be in political trouble. But Trump-style global populism isn’t
President Donald Trump might be in a political hole, but his brand of conservative populist nationalism is flourishing across the globe.
Trump reverses course on publicly funded TV political ads
President Donald Trump announced Monday night that taxpayers will no longer pick up the tab for political TV advertisements promoting himself and administration policies. Facing a public backlash from lawmakers of both parties, Trump said in a post on his Truth Social site that he would in part use money raised by a super PAC, […]
Trump takes midterms message to deep red Nebraska
President Donald Trump gave supporters a campaign-style speech in Nebraska in a continued effort to fire up the GOP base ahead of the midterms. CNN’s Jeff Zeleny reports.
A simple guide to the US midterms
US voters will head to the polls on 3 November in a ballot that could have a major impact on Donald Trump’s presidency.
Trump says he will pay for campaign-style ads himself after backlash over taxpayer-funded effort
President Donald Trump said Monday he will no longer use taxpayer money to fund a series of promotional television ads, announcing that he will instead pay for them with funds raised for MAGA, Inc., the pro-Trump super PAC.
Trump uses anti-transgender slur to attack South Carolina Senate candidate
President Donald Trump on Monday used an anti-transgender slur to attack Democratic South Carolina Senate candidate Dr. Annie Andrews, as he tries to push his hand-picked GOP candidate, Sen. Darline Graham, over the finish line in the midterm election.
Trump uses anti-transgender slur to attack South Carolina Senate nominee
(CNN) — President Donald Trump on Monday used an anti-transgender slur to attack Democratic South Carolina Senate nominee Dr. Annie Andrews, as he tries to push his handpicked GOP candidate,
Trump uses anti-transgender slur to attack South Carolina Senate candidate
(CNN) — President Donald Trump on Monday used an anti-transgender slur to attack Democratic South Carolina Senate candidate Dr. Annie Andrews, as he tries to push his hand-picked GOP candidate,
Sen. Tillis says his vote for Hegseth was 'biggest regret of my career' in new book
Republican Sen. Thom Tillis says in a new book that his deciding vote to confirm Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth in January 2025 is the “biggest regret of my career” and that he also “should’ve stopped” Robert F. Kennedy Jr. from becoming Health and Human Services secretary in the early days of President Donald Trump’s second term.
Trump is clearly trying to buy votes with taxpayer money
President Donald Trump is ramping up his efforts to use taxpayer money and resources to help Republicans win the 2026 midterm elections.
Jeffries says House Democrats aiming to repeat 2018 sweep by flipping Trump districts
The Democratic Party is working to expand the map by going on offense in Republican-held districts, while President Donald Trump hits the trail in a red-state sprint to boost voter enthusiasm and shore up support from his base.
Bolsonaro and Lula head to a runoff in Brazil's presidential election
Sen. Flávio Bolsonaro, an ally of President Donald Trump, and Brazil’s incumbent President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva will face off in a runoff Oct. 25 for the top job of Latin America’s powerhouse economy after neither won a majority in Sunday's vote.
‘I’m here to save lives’: Inside the unlikely Biden-Trump partnership to secure a Gaza ceasefire
Secure rooms in the US Capitol are cavernous compared to the White House Situation Room. They are designed for full committees or larger gatherings, not intimate discussions. On Nov. 20, 2024, Jake Sullivan and I had gone to one of those rooms to brief our successors two weeks after Donald Trump resoundingly defeated Kamala Harris.
Trump heads to Nebraska on Monday, where his plan to import more beef has angered ranchers
President Donald Trump is campaigning in Nebraska on Monday alongside GOP Sen. Pete Ricketts.
Trump heads to Nebraska on Monday, where his plan to import more beef has angered ranchers
President Donald Trump is campaigning in Nebraska on Monday alongside GOP Sen. Pete Ricketts | News-Talk 1380 WAOK
Trump fights on home turf as Democratic midterm hopes rise
Republicans are defending territory they never expected to be at risk four weeks before Election Day, as President Donald Trump implores voters not to desert his party with the promise of more cash giveaways.
White House tells ‘Big Bang Theory’ creator to ‘seek psychiatric help’ after he slams Donald Trump
Chuck Lorre is the latest Hollywood legend to lock horns with the White House, which suggested via a spokesperson he ‘seek psychiatric help’ after Lorre called Donald Trump a ‘bloated orange piece of s---.’
US midterms: 470 seats, $12 billion and one absent president
Americans go to the polls on November 3 for elections that will shape the final two years of Donald Trump's presidency -- although the president himself will not be on any ballot.44: House races on No...
Trump faces midterm verdict as Democrats close in on US Congress
A month before the US midterms, Democrats are eyeing control of Congress -- and the power to put President Donald Trump on the defensive for the rest of his term by investigating his administration an...
James campaign scrubs some online elements of Trump support
Images of President Donald Trump were prominent on the campaign pages of Michigan Republican gubernatorial candidate John James before the Aug. 4 primary election, but afterward some of them have
California Politics 360 full episode
In Washington, D.C., President Donald Trump gathered leaders of major tech companies this week to talk about AI rules moving forward.
President Donald Trump announces creation of 'Super Intelligence Force' AI task force
President Donald Trump announced the formation of what he called a "Super Intelligence Force" to "ensure that America continues to lead the World" in AI.
Trump announces leadership of AI task force
President Donald Trump on Sunday announced the creation of a “Super Intelligence Force” to “ensure that America continues to lead the world” when it comes to artificial intelligence.
Inside Democrats’ efforts to secure Election Day and respond to fears of Trump interference
Ahead of the November midterm elections, top Democrats are planning for doomsday scenarios for how President Donald Trump and his administration could intervene in the voting process and laying the groundwork for a forceful response.
The counties to watch on the massive midterm elections battlefield
The breadth of the public backlash against President Donald Trump’s tumultuous second term is rapidly widening the campaign battlefield for 2026.
Trump defends data centers in Ohio as he rallies to boost Jon Husted in a tight Senate race
President Donald Trump is defending data centers powering AI projects during a campaign rally in Ohio.
Trump defends data centers in Ohio as he rallies to boost Jon Husted in a tight Senate race
President Donald Trump is defending data centers powering AI projects during a campaign rally in Ohio. He insists they benefit local communities and warns against losing them to China. The
Who will be Brazil’s next president?
The election could also serve as a bellwether of Donald Trump's influence in Latin America
Trump’s spat with GOP lawmaker over Daylight Saving Time
President Donald Trump railed against Sen. Tom Cotton in a series of posts on Saturday, accusing the Arkansas Republican of holding up a bill that would make Daylight Saving Time permanent and encouraging people to call the senator at his cellphone number.
Trump advocates for mail and early voting despite historically opposing both
President Donald Trump said Americans should cast their ballot using “every appropriate tool,” in a pre-recorded video imploring Republicans to vote in the midterm elections, including using methods that he has historically opposed like early and mail voting.
In social post, Trump endorses Cunningham, mispronounces Vasquez’s name and doubles-down on renaming New Mexico
By Pat Davis, New Mexico Political Report — President Donald Trump officially endorsed Republican Greg Cunningham’s bid for Congress in a social media post today where the president once again called on New Mexicans to rename the state “New America” and mispronounced the Hispanic pronunciation of current Democratic Congressman Gabe Vasquez’s name. This story was […]
Trump rallies in Ohio to boost Jon Husted in a tight Senate race against Sherrod Brown
WASHINGTON (AP) — After a few days campaigning in safe conservative territory, President Donald Trump on Saturday takes his midterm tour into Ohio, a battlegrou
Trump posts GOP lawmaker’s phone number amid spat over Daylight Saving Time
President Donald Trump railed against Sen. Tom Cotton in a series of posts on Saturday, accusing the Arkansas Republican of holding up a bill that would make Daylight Saving Time permanent and encouraging people to call the senator at his cellphone number.
Trump rallies in Ohio to boost Jon Husted in a tight Senate race against Sherrod Brown
President Donald Trump is taking his midterm tour to Ohio, a battleground state with a crucial Senate race.
Trump rallies in Ohio to boost Jon Husted in a tight Senate race against Sherrod Brown
President Donald Trump is taking his midterm tour to Ohio, a battleground state with a crucial Senate race | WWJ Newsradio 950
Trump makes pitch to Ohio voters as midterms approach
President Donald Trump will lead a rally in a Dayton suburb Saturday in hopes of energizing GOP voters. He'll be joined by Sen. Jon Husted and others.
A gut punch in Ohio: Nearly 1,400 laid off at truck factory just days before Trump rally
President Donald Trump is trying to rally voters in the Dayton, Ohio, area on Saturday. But days ago, 1,400 workers were laid off from a truck factory there.
Trump to give $90 to senior citizens for Medicare premiums
President Donald Trump said late Friday he will give around 20 million senior citizens $90 each to help pay for their Medicare Part B premiums, marking his latest effort to dole out funds to certain Americans weeks before the midterm elections.
Trump says Cornell 7 'won't get fair shake' because NY AG Letitia James
President Donald Trump's perceived political foe, the New York attorney general who won a $454 million judgement against him, is looking into Cornell.
As midterms near, some Republicans are starting to question Trump
WASHINGTON — The most striking thing about the U.S. Senate leaving town early to campaign was all the grousing Republicans did about President Donald Trump before going.
A gut punch in Ohio: Nearly 1,400 laid off at truck factory just days before Trump rally
President Donald Trump is trying to rally voters in the Dayton, Ohio, area on Saturday.
A gut punch in Ohio: Nearly 1,400 laid off at truck factory just days before Trump rally
President Donald Trump is trying to rally voters in the Dayton, Ohio, area on Saturday.
Harold Branam: Talking back to money in politics (Opinion)
At the midterm Republican Convention last month, President Donald Trump promised to send every American adult a $5,000 check if the Republicans retain control of the House and Senate.
What we know about Trump’s latest taxpayer-funded ad campaign
The Trump administration has created at least 13 campaign-style ads as part of its controversial taxpayer-funded, multi-million-dollar effort to promote President Donald Trump and his policies. CNN’s Betsy Klein reports.
Justice Department asks court to let Trump reinstate White House press ban
The Justice Department argued that President Donald Trump should be allowed to reinstate his White House ban of CNN, MS NOW and Politico in a court filing late Friday ahead of a hearing next week in the lawsuit from the news companies.
Trump makes rare presidential visit to tribal land for rally
President Donald Trump's campaign rally on the Choctaw Nation puts him in rare company. He's among a handful of presidents who have visited Native American reservations while in office. Trump's
Studying Science in an Anti-Scientific Time
This Chronicle Review Deep Cut was first published in 2025. By Julianne Werlin Thanks for reading The Chronicle Review! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support my work. Subscribe The last two decades have not been kind to science studies. Already bruised and battered by the “science wars” of the 1990s, by the 2000s sociologists of science — who had long argued that science had to be understood in its human context — were encountering the funhouse-mirror version of their own views in right-wing critiques of climate scientists. It was enough to give some prominent scholars pause. “Was I wrong to participate in the invention of this field known as science studies?” asked Bruno Latour, the most famous sociologist of science in the world, in 2003. “Should we apologize for having been wrong all along? Or should we rather bring the sword of criticism to criticism itself and do a bit of soul-searching here: What were we really after when we were so intent on showing the social construction of scientific facts?” In response, Latour proposed a change of method and attitude. Science studies, now chastened and contrite, would no longer seek to strip facts of their authority, but to enrich and enhance them. What this meant in practice was never fully clear. But his diagnosis of problems resonated, even if his solutions did not. Latour’s exercise in public hand-wringing signaled a shift in mood. By 2016, with the first election of Donald Trump, the idea that skepticism of science was a right-wing position, not a left-wing one, had become a commonplace, discussed eagerly in The New York Times. For liberals, vaccine denial during the Covid era and Trump’s second-term attacks on the funding of scientific research, covered extensively in these pages, added a new urgency to the defense of science on both practical and principled grounds. There was little appetite for a sociology or philosophy of science that emphasized the messiness and missteps of the scientific process rather than its integrity and triumphs. The distinguished historian of science Peter Dear’s new book, The World as We Know It: From Natural Philosophy to Modern Science (Princeton University Press, 2025), which seeks to tell the story of 18th- and 19th-century science for a general public, may seem comfortably remote from these bitter contests. In its 16 short chapters, Dear draws swift, sure sketches of major discoveries from Newton to Einstein, ably guiding the reader through debates on stellar nebulae, animal taxonomy, atomic chemistry, evolution, and other flashpoints in the history of science. But though a work of history, Dear’s book must still negotiate our polarized present. In a blurb on its back cover, the historian of biology Lynn K. Nyhart alludes to the “present moment, when scientific knowledge is being swamped by misinformation and its institutions are under siege.” Dear himself, in his conclusion, refers to the “yard signs” and “bumper stickers” that proclaim “Science Is Real.” One antidote to both anti-science propaganda and to reductive slogans in science’s defense is a robust history and philosophy of science: exactly what Dear’s scholarship has long offered. But his new book illustrates how difficult such work has become. Dear, an emeritus professor of history at Cornell University, is best known as a creative and philosophically minded historian of the Scientific Revolution. His edited volume The Literary Structure of Scientific Argument (1991) analyzed the rhetoric of Galileo’s thought experiments to brilliant effect. Discipline and Experience: The Mathematical Way in the Scientific Revolution (1995) was a major contribution to the analysis of scientific experiments in early modern Europe and beyond, while Revolutionizing the Sciences: European Knowledge in Transition, 1500-1700 (2001), now in its third edition, remains one of the best overviews of the profound epistemological upheavals of 16th- and 17th-century science. But Dear has also ventured into later periods. Nearly two decades ago, in The Intelligibility of Nature: How Science Makes Sense of the World (2006), he turned to the 18th and 19th centuries to sketch a history and theory of scientific knowledge. Aimed at a generalist audience, Dear’s simple prose belied serious philosophical ambitions. Science, Dear argued, has two aspects: “natural philosophy,” the quest to understand the true nature of the universe, and “instrumentality,” the applied skills and technologies that allow us to manipulate the world for human advantage. Both strands are ancient, but the innovation of the phenomenon we call “science” was to yoke them together. As Francis Bacon wrote, “Human knowledge and human power meet in one; for where the cause is not known, the effect cannot be produced,” an insight typically abridged to “knowledge is power.” Or, in Bertrand Russell’s characteristically blunt phrase, science has two functions, “1. to enable us to know things, and 2., to enable us to do things.” So far, so conventional. But Dear took issue with this familiar story in one respect. Bacon’s formula implied that theory and practice could be fused in a single method. In fact, Dear argued, the quest to understand nature and the desire to manipulate it were coupled only loosely. They could come together, but they could also pull apart. Focusing on natural philosophy, the “knowing” half of the scientific circle, he used a series of case studies from cosmology, taxonomy, chemistry, electromagnetism, and quantum theory to show how theories changed over time, in dialogue with practice, but never reducible to it. Take the case of matter, the basic substrate of the physical world. In the 18th and 19th centuries, scientists not only disagreed about what it was, but also about how well it could be known. In 1789, the chemist Antoine Lavoisier dismissed speculation about the atomic composition of chemicals as “discussions entirely of a metaphysical nature,” as he sought to orient chemistry away from philosophical abstraction and toward laboratory results. But in the 19th century, atoms returned with a vengeance in the atomic chemistry of John Dalton, who wanted to explain the underlying structure of nature. It was not just that Dalton and Lavoisier had a different set of experimental results, or even a different theory, Dear showed. What counted as an explanation had changed. In arguing that scientific theories depended on their intelligibility to human beings with complex arrays of beliefs and commitments, Dear was in sympathy with science studies. Key figures such as the sociologist Steven Shapin emphasized the importance of psychological mechanisms like trust in the formation and acceptance of scientific ideas. But in focusing on the scientific pursuit of knowledge, not its politics or economics, Dear resisted the more cynical perspective of some of his colleagues. The Intelligibility of Nature strikes a very different note than Shapin’s collection of a few years later, Never Pure: Historical Studies of Science as If It Was Produced by People With Bodies, Situated in Time, Space, Culture, and Society, and Struggling for Credibility and Authority (2010), to name just one example. Walking a very fine line, Dear depicted science as driven at once by complex social dynamics and by the intellectual power of real discoveries. It was a testament not only to his own acumen but also to the vitality of the field that he was able to do so. Nearly two decades later, The World as We Know It returns to the questions broached in The Intelligibility of Nature. Like Dear’s earlier study, it begins with the Newtonian cosmos and ends with debates between Einstein and Bohr on quantum physics. Beyond its terminal figures, many of the same characters appear in both studies, including the naturalists John Ray and the Comte de Buffon; the chemists Étienne François Geoffroy, Antoine Lavoisier, and John Dalton; as well as Charles Darwin and Michael Faraday, among others. Its subject is nearly identical: As in The Intelligibility of Nature, The World as We Know It considers natural philosophy as opposed to instrumentality, here defined as the “desire to create a picture of what the world is really like — the world as God knows it — rather than simply having instrumental or operational control over it.” The two books also overlap in insights — and sometimes even in language. The reader who has learned in The Intelligibility of Nature that Buffon’s method of classifying animals “reflected his belief in the importance of the senses and empiricism in learning about nature (a doctrine associated with Newton and the philosopher John Locke)” will experience a sense of déjà vu on reading, in The World as We Know It, that the classification “reflects Buffon’s commitment to the epistemological stance of Newton and his philosophical underlaborer John Locke, who stressed the role of the senses in creating natural knowledge.” Later in the passage, we read that, “because of its stress on understanding the ways of life of animals in their environments, Buffon’s approach could almost be labeled (anachronistically) as ‘ecological.’” And again, “an anachronistic way of putting it would be to say that Buffon recommends an ecological mode of understanding.” Likewise, in The Intelligibility of Nature we read of Dalton that he was initially drawn to meteorology, and that: He did a bit of experimental work on these things, especially having to do with the water-holding capacity of gases, but his real interest lay in understanding what, at an underlying natural-philosophical level, was really going on physically.” Whereas, in The World as We Know It: He did experimental work on these things, especially concerning the water-holding capacity of gases — although not at a very refined level quantitatively — but he was continually trying to develop a theoretical conception of what was happening physically. The final full chapter of each book closes on the same resigned note. Intelligibility: These days, most serious work on the natural philosophical underpinnings and implications of quantum mechanics is performed not by physicists but by philosophers of science. Among scientific practitioners themselves, Bohr’s attempt to use instrumentality as sufficient grounds for a respectable science has met with a high degree of success. And again, in The World as We Know It: Bohr’s and Einstein’s concerns are now questions that are mostly discussed by philosophers of science rather than by physicists themselves. The marginalization of these sorts of questions amounts to the demise of natural philosophy, at least in physics, in the 20th century. Quantum mechanics “works,” and that’s good enough for most scientists who encounter it. Examples could be multiplied. When handling the same subject matter, some echoes are inevitable. Scholars should not feel that because they have written “Isaac Newton died in 1727” in one book, in the next they must describe him as perishing, expiring, or meeting his maker. But the repetitions of language and arguments (not to mention six reproduced images) threaded throughout The World as We Know It are more extensive than that. They should have been caught by Princeton University Press or its reviewers, and revised. Because the two books have so much in common, it is easy to see where they diverge. The World as We Know It is a less theoretical work than its predecessor. The sociology of knowledge that organized The Intelligibility of Nature has been reduced in scale and folded into readings and examples. The taut interplay between history and theory, which gave the earlier study so much interest, is there, but it is subtle. In the earlier book, the case studies demonstrated theoretical claims about the character and development of science. In the later work, each narrative of discovery is an end in itself. Insights emerge from the history, but they do not control the organization of the study. With the theory muted, it can be hard to understand the logic uniting Dear’s sprawling history of more than two centuries of scientific knowledge. The 16 brisk chapters cover an enormous amount of material. But the closer the volume edges to comprehensiveness, the more obvious the missing elements become. A chapter on “Institutions and Pedagogy,” describing the birth of the research university, illustrates the problem. Inserted roughly halfway through the book, the unnumbered chapter is designed as an “entr’acte,” in acknowledgement that it does not fit the study’s organization around scientific discoveries. Yet as Dear is well aware, no general history of the development of modern science can bracket its 19th-century institutionalization and professionalization. It was the 19th-century university, after all, that gave us the “scientist,” a term coined by the Cambridge philosopher William Whewell. Dear’s history of scientific discoveries implies a wider social and institutional history, but it remains largely subterranean, only occasionally extruded under the pressure of the narrative. It must be said that the balance is not all on the side of the earlier study. There are some advantages to the more historical, less theoretical organization of The World as We Know It. Dear’s accounts of paradigm shifts are remarkably lucid, no small accomplishment given that they span fields and centuries. He makes excellent use of the wealth of new scholarship on Darwin and his influences, to which he has himself contributed. It is satisfying to see puzzle pieces from Buffon’s natural history, Georges Cuvier’s animal taxonomy, Thomas Robert Malthus’s demography, and Charles Lyell’s geology recombined seamlessly in the Darwinian jigsaw. Likewise, Dear’s discussion of stellar nebulae, divided between chapters two and 15, shows vividly how Newton, Kant, Herschel, and Hubble reimagined insights and observations as they sought to discover whether the diffuse light that filtered through early telescopes was a glowing, gaseous substance or discrete but distant stars. Yet despite such pleasures, the book remains a more modest work than The Intelligibility of Nature. Dear has clearly not changed his views about the history of science. But in the two decades that have elapsed, the discipline and the world around it have changed, making it harder to write a sociologically and philosophically ambitious history of science for the general reader. That is a shame, because in the age of Silicon Valley and biotechnology, both the reciprocity and the tensions Dear identified between the epistemological and instrumental ambitions of science are more evident than ever. In recent years, some of the most exciting new books on the history of science in early modernity have focused precisely on this pressure point. Important studies such as Pamela H. Smith’s From Lived Experience to the Written Word (2022), James Poskett’s Horizons: The Global Origins of Modern Science (2022), and Vera Keller’s The Interlopers: Early Stuart Projects and the Undisciplining of Knowledge (2023) all shed new light on how early modern science negotiated the relationship between its instrumental and epistemological ambitions, or in Russell’s phrase, knowing and doing. There is every opportunity for a philosophically informed approach to draw new insights from this wealth of material. Dear, unfortunately, has not done so in The World as We Know It. But for future scholars of the history of science, his body of work over nearly four decades may provide just the model. Julianne Werlin is an associate professor of English at Duke University. 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