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Dodgers’ perfect trade offer for Reds’ Elly De La Cruz
The Los Angeles Dodgers should pursue Elly De La Cruz with a package that gives the Cincinnati Reds help on two timelines. Emmet Sheehan, Mike Sirota and Emil Morales would combine immediate starting pitching with two substantial position-player prospects. The case begins with what Cincinnati would receive. Trading De La Cruz for distant upside […] The post Dodgers’ perfect trade offer for Reds’ Elly De La Cruz appeared first on ClutchPoints.
'All INdiana Politics': Engling, Ballard clash over restoring credibility to Indiana Secretary of State Office
INDIANAPOLIS — On Sunday’s edition of “All INdiana Politics,” Government Reporter Garrett Bergquist sat down with two candidates who are running for secretary of state, Republican Max Engling and independent Greg Ballard. Both candidates outlined contrasting approaches to restore credibility to an office plagued by controversy under outgoing Secretary Diego Morales. They both presented different […]
Natalie Morales Joins Flow Space Women’s Health Summit in L.A.
Natalie Morales, award-winning journalist and TV personality, is joining the lineup of SHE Media's Flow Space Women’s Health Summit on Oct. 15.
Natalie Morales Joins Flow Space Women’s Health Summit in L.A.
Natalie Morales, award-winning journalist and TV personality, is joining the lineup of SHE Media’s Flow Space Women’s Health Summit this week. The Flow Space Women’s Health Summit will be held Thursda...
Natalie Morales Joins Flow Space Women’s Health Summit in Los Angeles
Flow Space, SHE Media’s digital and live media platform dedicated to women’s health, is holding its summit Oct. 15 at Penske Media Corporation’s L.A. headquarters.
RWJBarnabas Health and Local Elected Officials Partner for Food Distribution Event
In September at the Cherry Blossom Welcome Center in Essex County Branch Brook Park, RWJBarnabas Health and Clara Maass Medical Center joined Senator Teresa Ruiz, Assemblywoman Eliana Pintor Marin, Assemblywoman Shanique Speight, Assemblywoman Carmen Morales and Assemblyman Michael Venezia to distribute 180 boxes filled with healthy produce, eggs, bread and more to community members.
Brazil: Lessons from a Disaster
By Antonio Martins (Outras Palavras) Defeats become deeper and more prolonged when we misunderstand what caused them, avoid correcting course, and embrace “solutions” that only compound our mistakes. Lula’s government and the Brazilian left suffered a disaster in Sunday’s election. Contrary to every poll, the president finished the first round 2.2 million votes behind Flávio Bolsonaro—and, more significantly, 3.4 million votes below his total four years ago, when the machinery of the state was working against him and in favor of his opponent. His vote share declined in 98 percent of Brazil’s municipalities. The PL, the main party of the far right, elected 121 deputies and 28 senators, becoming the largest caucus in both houses of Congress. The parties aligned with the Centrão—Brazil’s bloc of transactional center-right parties—were somewhat diminished, but will still hold roughly 250 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 35 in the Senate. That will make it easier to assemble the majorities needed to amend the Constitution or impeach Supreme Federal Court justices. If elected, Flávio Bolsonaro could appoint four members of the Court, substantially altering its internal balance of power. What produced these results? How can the far right be prevented from consolidating them into a prolonged political hegemony? And what is the essential change of direction the left now needs? Explaining the Disaster Across the commercial media and the exuberant chaos of digital platforms, interpretations are multiplying. Some focus on specific episodes: Lula’s absence from the Globo debate, his very close relationship with Alexandre de Moraes, or his emphasis on issues supposedly remote from most people’s everyday concerns, such as rare earth minerals. Among the more systemic interpretations, three seem especially questionable. One argues that the principal defeat was not the left’s, since its congressional representation declined only slightly. The decisive movement captured at the ballot box, according to this view, was a shift within the right itself—from the more moderate and transactional forces of the Centrão toward the more ideological and radicalized forces of the PL and Novo. A second interpretation holds that the nature of electoral and political processes has changed. The material interests and aspirations of society, it argues, no longer play the central role they once did; they have given way to forms of subjective self-identification that the left has yet to understand. And a third concludes that, because of these two developments, we should expect a political winter: a prolonged period in which the far right and the broader right dominate Brazilian political life. There are important elements in all three interpretations. The problem lies in what they deny or leave out: Lula’s third government was a small-bore government. It offered the majorities that elected it neither a clearly better life nor reasons to believe again in politics and its power to transform society. These failures flowed from two fatal accommodations, which I will examine below. As a result, the government suffered a slow but steady erosion of support. And, as has happened in so many Western countries, it gave the far right the opportunity to present itself as anti-system and to benefit from popular frustration and distress. The interpretation that emphasizes the migration of votes from the center-right and traditional right toward the far right has been advanced, among others, by the courageous journalist Leonardo Sakamoto. In his UOL column on Monday, October 5, he highlights the miserable behavior of the traditional conservative parties. Over the past four years, they repeatedly joined forces with the “neo”-fascists, helping to “normalize” them—a criticism that could equally be directed at almost the entire corporate media. Believing they could use the far right as a stepping stone, they instead ended up partly devoured by it. This was especially true in the Senate, where the PL’s gain of 13 senators and Novo’s gain of two came at the expense of the PSD, which lost nine; the MDB, which lost two; the PSDB, which lost two; and the PP, which lost one. Sakamoto’s observation is accurate and necessary, but it leaves uncomfortable questions unanswered. Why did the erosion of the Centrão benefit the far right rather than, for example, producing growth for the left—as has happened so many times before, both in Brazil and elsewhere? The answer is not difficult. Throughout its four years in office, Lula’s third government was almost invariably associated with the Centrão. Here lies its first accommodation: accepting the limits imposed by conservative institutions; avoiding, as much as possible, any attempt to strain those limits through popular pressure; and believing only in the modest changes that could be squeezed through openings in Congress. The failure of the campaign to end the six-day workweek is emblematic. Lula could have electrified the presidential race by pairing it with a popular campaign for passage of the measure. Instead, he chose to place his hopes in the hands of Senate president Rodrigo Alcolumbre. He generated no mass mobilization, did not force his opponents onto an uncomfortable defensive, and won no victory. In September 2025, the government squandered the greatest of its many opportunities to shake up conservative power in Congress. Popular opposition to the so-called Shielding Amendment—which, if approved, would have restricted criminal proceedings against members of Congress—brought crowds into the streets, mobilized primarily by artists and social movements. This opened the possibility for a broader political education: a campaign that could begin exposing the limits and dysfunctions of Brazil’s political system while putting Bolsonaro’s movement on the defensive for its predictable support of political privilege. The amendment was defeated. But the executive branch then backed away from the fight. It remained associated with an institutional world widely seen as corrupt, elitist, and indifferent to ordinary people’s struggles. In doing so, it forfeited its credibility as a vehicle for the protest vote. On Sunday, it reaped the bitter fruits. Are We Doomed? Taking a different approach from Sakamoto, the philosopher Moysés Pinto Neto and other writers have drawn attention, in their first analyses of October 4, to the fragmentation of the public sphere produced by Big Tech platforms. Through their algorithms, these platforms present each person with a different view of social reality. As a consequence, it becomes much harder to identify common material problems and demands—for example, the fight for labor rights or for a properly funded public health system. Voters no longer embrace such demands, these authors argue, because they no longer see themselves as part of a collective. Instead, they tend to value the identities assigned to them by neoliberal subjectivity—the role of the entrepreneur, for example. On this interpretation, the left’s possible error lies in clinging to outdated illusions. Moysés’s warning is highly relevant and resonates with arguments such as Naomi Klein and Astra Taylor’s “Apocalyptic Fascism and the Billionaires’ Bet.” Unlike a century ago, the far right no longer promises a radiant future. It concentrates instead on resentment—especially that of young men. “They belong to a generation that fears it may never own a home, but compensates with the pleasure it gets from constantly provoking progressives online. Convinced their future has been stolen, they share memes romanticizing historical authoritarian regimes,” the authors write. But Moysés seems to confuse this danger with inevitability. He fails to see that the left’s answer cannot be adaptation. On the contrary, it must strengthen the possibility of politics as collective action. Nor does he recognize that precisely such a reversal is already becoming possible in some of the most promising mobilizations of the twenty-first century: the election, at the end of 2025, of the young Muslim Zohran Mamdani as mayor of New York, on a platform centered on the intensely material fight for an affordable city; the Left Party’s victory in Berlin two weeks ago, built around the demand to expropriate private real-estate corporations; and the very recent wave of demonstrations in Spain—including an occupation of Madrid’s Puerta del Sol—in which tens of thousands of young people mobilized by the Tenants’ Union have demanded limits on rents. By putting itself in the straitjacket of the “fiscal framework” in the first months of 2022, Lula’s third government adopted the second fatal accommodation of its term. Faced with conservative institutions and a country devastated by four years of Bolsonaro, increased public investment was the government’s remaining weapon for offering a more dignified life to the majority and forging an anti-conservative pact with them. The same state that disburses 1 trillion reais a year to enrich a small class of rentiers could instead spend money to extend the Family Health Strategy to every Brazilian, at a cost of 30 billion reais; provide full-day public schooling and childcare to all adolescents and children—and, especially, relief to their mothers; achieve universal sanitation while cleaning up polluted urban rivers; multiply metro systems; begin transforming the urban peripheries; and undertake many other urgently needed projects. In April 2023, an article in Outras Palavras warned that the fiscal framework could “shrink the Lula government and preserve the forces that condemn the country to inequality and regression.” A year later, another article showed that restraints on public spending were strangling policies vital to ordinary people and undermining the president’s popularity. In November 2024 came a reality check, in the form of the government’s humiliating defeat in the municipal elections. Even then, the fiscal lock was neither removed nor loosened. On the contrary: throughout the government’s four years, fiscal restraint remained central to its political narrative. The administration proudly proclaimed that it had “put the state’s accounts in order,” without grasping either how misleading that phrase was—given the payment of 1 trillion reais in interest—or how badly the message was hurting it politically. Lula finally woke up in September 2026. The increase in Bolsa Família benefits, after four years of being frozen; the announcement that anti-obesity drugs would be offered through Brazil’s public health system; and the ban on online betting showed that the state has the power to act decisively on behalf of the majority when those in government are willing to confront obstacles. The huge marches that closed the campaign in Fortaleza, Salvador, Rio de Janeiro, and São Paulo on the eve of October 4 showed how such initiatives can mobilize activists and the broader public. But it was too late—and too little to change the outcome of the first round. History has not ended The possibility of a turnaround in the three weeks leading up to November 25 cannot be ruled out. It will not be simple or easy. Lula must not only make up a deficit of 2.2 million votes; he must also offset the movement of voters who backed other right-wing candidates in the first round, most of whom are likely to move toward Flávio Bolsonaro. Pulling that off will require a broad, grassroots effort to win over voters, potentially reinforced by new initiatives from Lula. The coming hours and days will be decisive. If Bolsonaro’s movement also wins the presidency, the result will create a high-risk situation for Brazilian sovereignty and democracy. The enormous challenges posed by such an outcome would require the left to reexamine, in depth and with a genuine willingness to engage in self-criticism, its political projects—or its lack of them—and its practices. But would that mean we are condemned to the long winter of far-right hegemony that some analyses are beginning to forecast? It is far too early to say, suggests a recent text by Álvaro García Linera, the thinker who served as vice president of Bolivia under Evo Morales. His central hypothesis is that this political current will prove short-lived. At a moment when the entire world is once again talking about sovereignty and protecting national economies, the far right offers a stale, recolonizing neoliberalism. Its submission to the United States is as blatant and pathetic as Flávio and Eduardo Bolsonaro’s overtures to Donald Trump. Its project amounts to something like every man for himself: greater inequality, capitalism without limits, devastation, and supremacism. Will it work? In the United States, just two years into his second term, Trump himself is reaching record levels of unpopularity and may be on the verge of losing Republican control of both the House and Senate in November. Every new beginning is difficult. Whatever the outcome of the second round, the defeats of October 4 show how profoundly the Brazilian left will have to rethink and rebuild. But just as it would be foolish to underestimate the seriousness of its mistakes, it would be equally foolish to conclude that rebuilding a political project is no longer possible. History has not ended. The times are moving faster than ever. Originally published in Portuguese by Outras Palavras. English translation by Eric Blanc; I’ve added the subtitles. More We can’t stop the far right at home or abroad without a revitalized labor movement, which is yet another reason why you should become a sustaining supporter of the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee (EWOC) — one of US labor’s pivotal bright spots. Relatedly, Jacobin published a short piece of mine reflecting on a decade of Bernie Sanders inspiring a whole new generation of young worker organizers.
A Delivery Worker Followed the Upper West Side Stabbing Suspect Home, and Got an Unexpected Goodbye
A Bronx delivery worker who helped police find Raul Morales after the July stabbings is describing a brief, strange exchange the two had on the way up to Morales's apartment.
The unlikely team behind David Morales’ historic campaign for Providence mayor
Meet the team who helped turn Morales’s long-shot campaign into a political force.
TGIF: Ian Donnis’ Rhode Island politics roundup for Sept. 11, 2026
New forces in RI politics: Foulkes, Morales and Greenman
The stunning rise of David Morales, Providence’s next mayor
The 27-year-old democratic socialist promised to shake up Providence on the campaign trail.
In Rhode Island, new political leaders emerge as the old guard is swept out
Helena Foulkes won every city and town in Rhode Island’s Democratic primary for governor, and Democratic Socialist David Morales unseated Providence Mayor Brett Smiley
The big surprises from the R.I. primary
State Representative David Morales became the first candidate in Providence history to beat an incumbent mayor in a primary, and Helena Buonanno Foulkes swept every city and town in the state.
Democratic socialist wins primary for mayor of Providence, Rhode Island
David Morales, a state lawmaker backed by the Democratic Socialists of America, defeated incumbent Mayor Brett P. Smiley.
Pro-Israel Providence Mayor Brett Smiley loses to progressive challenger
The winner, democratic socialist David Morales, supports a divestment measure that will be on the ballot in November.
Can the Mamdani model travel?
David Morales, a 27-year-old democratic socialist, is trying to knock off the mayor of Providence, Rhode Island.
UNT Health Fort Worth nursing student’s white coat signifies more than a career
The white coat rested neatly across Lina Morales’ lap as the first-year nursing student sat seven rows from the Bass Performance Hall stage.
“Fast Movers” Might Be Key To Contention
For all the talk about resurgent players (Lawrence Butler, Zack Gelof, Jacob Lopez), back sliding players (Luis Morales, Jack Perkins), and a hitting core with elite talent but only decent results (Nick Kurtz/Shea Langeliers/Jacob Wilson/Tyler Soderstrom/Brent Rooker), the A’s fortunes in the near future may lie with some prospects who are fast-tracking themselves towards 2027 […]
Yohandy Morales Starts Strong in Nationals Mini-Series vs. Braves
Yohandy Morales' debut stands out as the Washington Nationals and Atlanta Braves split a two-game series.
Man pleads guilty to string of York County burglaries in 2024
Ubaldo Ramos-Morales pleaded guilty to several charges related to burglaries and attempted break-ins at businesses in May 2024.
Plant Breeding's Future Depends on More Than Science
The future of plant breeding needs more than technical skill. Ana Maria Heilman-Morales explains why mentorship, service and courage matter.
Jorge Elorza to endorse David Morales for Providence mayor
Incumbent Mayor Brett Smiley served as one of Elorza’s top aids during his first term. This will be the second time Elorza has endorsed a candidate over his former ally.
A's Option Luis Morales as Search For Relief Continues
Luis Morales gave up seven earned runs in two innings Friday night, and Ben Bowden's arrival signals the organization is preparing for a prolonged fix.
Michael Morales-UFC 330 rumors on potential fight debunked
Budding contender Michael Morales stirs up a possible fight booking on social media. Reports suggest otherwise, though.
Jewish leaders directly criticize mayor for Israel rhetoric
Morales is accused of stabbing an Asian man and a Jewish man wearing a kippa.
Orlando Magic Summer League Guard Ready to Take Major Leap
After transforming his physique and sharpening his perimeter shooting, Alex Morales is embracing a defensive-first mindset to transition from G League standout to a permanent NBA roster spot.
Fort Bend County Fair Announces 2026 Entertainment Lineup Featuring Sawyer Brown, Pat Green
ROSENBERG, Texas (Covering Katy News) — The Fort Bend County Fair has announced its entertainment lineup for its 90th annual celebration, featuring a mix of Texas country stars, Tejano favorites and nationally recognized performers during Championship BBQ Weekend and the fair's 10-day run. The 2026 Fort Bend County Fair begins with Championship BBQ Weekend on Sept. 18-19, followed by the fair Sept. 25 through Oct. 4. The entertainment schedule opens Friday, Sept. 18, with Tejano group Los Morales, followed by Texas country artist Cole Phillips on Saturday, Sept. 19. Phillips has gained attention for his traditional country sound influenced by classic honky-tonk music. The fair officially opens Friday, Sept. 25, with Tyce Delk, a New Mexico native whose touring schedule has expanded across the country. Country music veterans Sawyer Brown will headline Saturday, Sept. 26. The band, whose career spans more than four decades, remains known for hits including "Some Girls Do," "The Race Is On" and "Thank God for You." Go Tejano Day on Sunday, Sept. 27, will feature Prófugos de Nuevo León, along with performances by Los Rinches and Grupo Zenio. The second week of the fair begins Wednesday, Sept. 30, with Bellville singer-songwriter David Lewis, a recent Texas Country Music Association Male Artist of the Year nominee. Oklahoma Red Dirt artist Josh Meloy will perform Thursday, Oct. 1. Texas country star Pat Green returns to the Fort Bend County Fair stage Friday, Oct. 2. Green, whose career includes three Grammy Award nominations, has sold more than 2 million albums and amassed more than 200 million career streams. He is best known for songs including "Wave on Wave" and "Carry On." Country newcomer Vincent Mason will perform Saturday, Oct. 3. Mason has accumulated more than 500 million career streams and was recently nominated for Academy of Country Music New Male Artist of the Year. The fair concludes Sunday, Oct. 4, with Texas music legend Gary P. Nunn, whose "London Homesick Blues" remains one of the state's most recognizable songs. Weekend visitors also can enjoy performances on Music Row by J Paul Jr. & the Zydeco Nubreeds, Southern County Line, Los Rangerz and Horizon. The Fort Bend County Fair Association, a nonprofit organization, supports youth, agriculture and education. According to the association, it has awarded more than $2 million in scholarships during the past decade and generated $1.4 million through its 2025 youth auctions. Tickets go on sale at 10 a.m. Friday, July 10. Guests are encouraged to purchase tickets in advance and select the specific day they plan to attend, as tickets are valid only for the date purchased. Admission includes entry to the fairgrounds, access to the carnival, shopping, exhibits, food vendors and, when scheduled, admission to the rodeo and that day's concert. Season passes and single-day tickets will be available. For tickets and additional information, visit fortbendcountyfair.com or call the Fair Office at 281-342-6171. The address of the Fairgrounds is 4310 Texas 36 S in Rosenberg. 2026 Fort Bend County Fair Entertainment Schedule Championship BBQ Weekend Friday, Sept. 18: Los Morales Saturday, Sept. 19: Cole Phillips Fair Entertainment Friday, Sept. 25: Tyce Delk Saturday, Sept. 26: Sawyer Brown Sunday, Sept. 27 (Go Tejano Day): Prófugos de Nuevo León, Los Rinches and Grupo Zenio Wednesday, Sept. 30: David Lewis Thursday, Oct. 1: Josh Meloy Friday, Oct. 2: Pat Green Saturday, Oct. 3: Vincent Mason Sunday, Oct. 4: Gary P. Nunn × Expand FBCF Fort Bend County Fair 2026 Artist Lineup
Kelp-powered planes, super El Niño and the science of sunburn
In this news roundup: climate crisis fuels hantavirus spread, extreme heat kills 3,400 Indians per day and countries endorse ICJ opinion
Health benefits boosted for top county school officials, records show
Ventura County Superintendent of Schools César Morales gave his top deputies lifetime health benefits without the Board of Education's knowledge.
Clashes as Morales-allied protesters march on Bolivian capital
South American country suffers huge protests as economic crisis fuels unrest against President Paz's government.
Celebrating Financial Literacy Month: Cleveland’s Chase Community Manager Shares Tips for Strengthening Financial Health
We all have financial needs and goals, whether it’s dreaming of buying a new home, starting a business, or simply feeling more secure about your finances. No matter where you are on your financial journey, it’s never too early – or too late – to get started.
Providence Mayor Smiley to launch reelection campaign, facing challenger with momentum
No incumbent mayor has ever lost a primary in Providence, but state Representative David Morales has run a more visible campaign to date.
Beau Bayh outraises competitors in Indiana secretary of state race
Bayh is heading into prime convention season with nearly $2 million in the bank, compared to incumbent Diego Morales' $1.2 million.
Finding my footing at We Mean Business Day
Jessicka Alvarado Morales '26 reflects on building confidence, making connections and navigating the path from uncertainty to opportunity at Salve Regina University’s annual student-produced expo.
All INdiana Politics
Jamsheed Choksy discusses the risk of terror attacks and cyber threats in Indiana, while Diego Morales explains his voter registration decision.
SCHOOL POLITICS? SOS Morales touts Club America voter registration effort, but critics are wary
By Marilyn Odendahl The Indiana Citizen March 11, 2026 Indiana Secretary of State Diego Morales announced on Tuesday a partnership with Club America, an arm of the conservative organization Turning Point USA, to register Hoosier high school students to vote, but a voter-advocacy group said the collaboration could inject partisanship into what should be a