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Giguere brings different perspective as NAMA chair
Iowa Corn Processors CEO ushers in next leadership generation.
Prospect man arrested for allegedly stalking and harassing a former business partner
A Prospect man was arrested for allegedly stalking and harassing a former business partner.
Texas Launches Expedited Online Business Filing System via SOSPortal
Governor Greg Abbott announced the launch of online Texas Express services, allowing businesses to utilize same-day and next-day filings through the Texas Secretary of State.
Google is ending support for Pixel Watch’s emergency LTE ‘Safety Signal’
Google launched the Pixel Watch 2 with “Safety Signal” to ensure users could use Emergency SOS and Safety Check without...
Ipsos Health Service Report 2026
Since 2018, Ipsos has been tracking perceptions of the quality of healthcare systems, the biggest health issues and the biggest public health problems.
Latinx Voces Expands Grassroots Health Equity Across the Valley
A podcast with Dr. Paulina Sosa Quintanilla, founder and CEO of Latinx Voces.
Julia Stiles says it was ‘very wrong’ to play up dance training for “Save the Last Dance” at the time
The actress is competing on season 35 of “Dancing With the Stars” alongside pro partner Ezra Sosa.
October 2026: Open Enrollment Starts Today
The 2027 insurance open enrollment is October 5-30, 2026. Changes made during this period will take effect January 1, 2027.
Johnson & Johnson, AOA Reveal Menopause Eye Health Gap
Global research by Johnson & Johnson and Ipsos finds vision is overlooked as a menopause symptom, revealing a gap in longevity care
Apple Acknowledges AT&T Network Bug On iPhone 18 Pro Max
Experiencing SOS mode on your iPhone 18 Pro Max with AT&T? Apple confirms a hardware issue and details who needs a replacement.
Secretary of state candidates boast business experience but differ on election oversight
All three said they want to ensure no fraud is happening amid Wyoming’s booming rate of new business filings. When it came to voting, they shared different visions for what constitutes fair access and ballot security.
Small business sentiment shows uptick but economic concerns persist
The quarterly Ipsos/MetLife/U.S. Chamber of Commerce Small Business Index in Q3 2026 is up from Q2 2026
Farm SOS partners with Illinois FFA to promote mental health resources
The mental health specialist with Farm SOS, formerly the Farm Family Resource Initiative, says a partnership with the Illinois FFA Association is helping spread the message of farmer mental health. Rachel Brown says the organization has once again awarded grants to chapters across the state aimed at promoting mental health in agriculture. “We call them Bend […]
Julia Stiles and Ezra Sosa put ‘final touches’ on “DWTS” routine at the last minute, after actress’ rib injury
The pair explained their preparation process amid Stiles’ rib injury.
Julia Stiles and Ezra Sosa put ‘final touches’ on ‘DWTS’ routine at last minute, after rib injury
Julia Stiles and Ezra Sosa explained how they put ‘final touches’ on ‘Dancing With the Stars’ routine at the last minute, following the actress’ rib injury, as shown in the ‘DWTS’ rehearsals.
Arkansas governor hopefuls focus on health, education, prisons
Republican Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders, Democratic state Sen. Fred Love and Libertarian Colt Shelby said they would address affordability, healthcare, education and the state’s prison system if elected governor, but differ in their strategies.
About 8,000 lawfully present Pennsylvania immigrants face Medicaid health insurance terminations on Oct. 1
New federal Medicaid eligibility cuts for immigrants, including refugees and asylees, were passed by Congress and President Trump.
Arizona Sec of State candidates to debate Wednesday | Political calendar
Candidates for Arizona Secretary of State to debate; Deadline to register to vote coming up on Oct. 5; Early voting in Nov. 3 election starts in Oct. 7 & more
Just One in Four People Trust Business Leaders as AI Adds to Global Trust Gap
Just 24% globally trust business leaders and only 23% trust AI chatbots, according to Ipsos, highlighting a growing leadership and AI trust challenge. Just 24% globally trust business leaders and only 23% trust AI chatbots, according to Ipsos, highlighting a growing leadership and AI trust challenge.
Fewer Than One in Four People Trust Business Leaders as AI Adds to Global Trust Gap
Just 24% globally trust business leaders and only 23% trust AI chatbots, according to Ipsos, highlighting a growing leadership and AI trust challenge. Just 24% globally trust business leaders and only 23% trust AI chatbots, according to Ipsos, highlighting a growing leadership and AI trust challenge.
Sporticast: It’s Fat Bear Week. Where Are the Chicago Bears?
On the 590th Sporticast episode, hosts Scott Soshnick and Eben Novy-Williams discuss some of the biggest sports business stories of the week, including Sportico‘s recent list of the highest-paid players in the NFL. First, however, they talk about Fat Bear Week. The viral creation from Alaska’s Katmai National Park & Preserve allows people to vote …
Changes Coming to Texas Secretary of State Business Filings, Sept. 29th
The SOSPortal, a new Business Filing system, will be launched on September 29, 2026.
Rise of the Plasticorals: Plastic Has Fused With Coral in Okinawa and Could Enter the Rock Record
Scientists found melted plastic embedded inside coral rubble on three subtropical Japanese beaches.
Hussein Syed, RWJ Barnabas Health, Chief Information Security Officer, Again Honored as A CISO To Know Nationwide
Hussein Syed, Chief Information Security Officer (CISO) for RWJBarnabas Health, was honored by Becker’s Hospital Review as one of just 55 Hospital and Health System CISOs and Chief Privacy Officers to Know, recognized for his work defending the organization against cyberattacks, a critical function for every hospital and health system. Mr. Syed has been included on Becker’s list several times.
Inside ‘Team Blessed,' the Phillies trio always staying ready together
What began with a simple “Bless up” has grown into a daily routine and shared faith for Derek Hill, Edmundo Sosa and Bryan De La Cruz.
Business Bash connects students with campus clubs and career opportunities
Students gathered in the Schneider Hall courtyard Sept. 17 to explore business-focused Registered Student Organizations (RSOs), departments, majors, study abroad programs and career resources at the annual Business Bash hosted
Detroit CIOs and CISOs to Examine AI Governance, Cybersecurity Resilience, Enterprise Transformation and the Rise of the 'CEO of Technology' at HMG Strategy’s September 24 Summit
FAIRFIELD, Conn., Sept. 16, 2026 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- CIOs, CISOs and other senior technology executives from leading organizations across Detroi...
Will California progressivism crush Newsom presidential hopes?
Gavin Newsom leaves office in a few months, allowing him to devote all of his time to a 2028 presidential run. The question is whether he can sell a progressive agenda outside the comfortable confines of California.
Mother and daughter CT business owners created a ‘secret garden.’ Customers call its offerings ‘to die for’
“It’s part of nature,” a customer who loves the espressos said. “It’s relaxing. I think that’s the best thing is that there’s not pressure, it’s relaxing.”
SOSRiverBoy III showcases local talent; brings fun entertainment to Fort Smith
FORT SMITH -- An annual concert and community event will return for the third year in a row when SOSRiverBoy III is held Nov. 28 at the Fort Smith Convention Center.
UCL | Como 4-1 RB Leipzig: Perfect Champions League debut
Como made a dream Champions League debut, sweeping RB Leipzig aside 4-1 with goals from Martin Baturina, Tasos Douvikas, Assane Diao and Maxi Perrone.This was a truly historic occasion, as the Lariani...
Secretary of State candidates have big differences on elections, more nuanced splits on business registration
One candidate for Colorado Secretary of State wants to offer automatic business registration renewal. The other wants to offer more help to non-English-speaking business owners.
Julia Stiles and her “DWTS” partner Ezra Sosa react to Juilliard’s ‘shady’ post referencing her “Save the Last Dance” character
The prestigious performing arts conservatory played a major role in the 2001 dance movie.
Sporticast: An NFL Safety’s Journey From Truck Hits to Trucking Biz
On the 585th Sporticast episode, hosts Scott Soshnick and Eben Novy-Williams speak with Antoine Bethea, a former All-Pro safety, about his business journey since retiring from the NFL. Bethea was drafted by the Indianapolis Colts in the sixth round of the 2006 draft. He went on to play 14 NFL season with the Colts, San …
Julia Stiles and pro partner Ezra Sosa admit to a ‘hard day’ during “DWTS” rehearsals
“You can still be hard on me,” the actress tells the pro during an interview with EW.
Julia Stiles and ‘DWTS’ partner Ezra Sosa admit to ‘hard day’ in rehearsal
Julia Stiles and her ‘DWTS’ partner, Ezra Sosa, got honest about their dynamic in an interview with EW.
San Ramon swim coach Ntatsos dives into city politics
Longtime San Ramon swim coach Paschalis Ntatsos is testing the waters of city politics this year, with the political newcomer's first-ever campaign for public office now underway as a three-way race for mayor ramps up ahead of the November election.
Xbox CEO Asha Sharma re: PlayStation's disc backlash — "I know players love physical media," but what about next-gen Helix plans?
Xbox CEO Asha Sharma recently spoke with the BBC about the next-gen Xbox Helix console, but stopped short of confirming a commitment to disc-based games longer term.
WHO RUNS MARYLAND POLITICS NOW?
ByThe Maryland Wire The Machine Didn’t Die — It Broke Apart Mike Miller is gone. Steny Hoyer is retiring. The two men who helped define Maryland political power for generations are disappearing from the map. Nobody has inherited all of what they controlled. Instead, Maryland power has fractured among Wes Moore, legislative leaders, county organizations, federal figures and a new generation fighting to connect the pieces. By The Maryland Wire For decades, there were two names in Maryland politics that required almost no explanation. Mike Miller. Steny Hoyer. You didn’t necessarily have to agree with them. You didn’t even have to like them. But everyone understood something: Not social-media power. Not cable-news power. Not the temporary power that comes from one big election. They possessed political infrastructure. Relationships. Institutional memory. Donors. Staff. Allies. County leaders. Lobbyists. Legislators. Operatives. And the ability to connect people who needed something with people capable of delivering it. Today one is gone. The other is preparing to leave Congress after more than four decades. And Maryland faces a question it hasn’t had to answer in generations: The answer may be: Nobody. At least not the way Miller once did. Maryland’s old machine wasn’t inherited by one person. It fragmented. And now several ambitious political networks are competing to assemble the pieces. Miller presided over the Maryland Senate for 33 years, becoming one of the longest-serving legislative leaders in American history. He stepped down as Senate president in 2019 and died in January 2021. (Behavioral and Social Sciences) But Miller’s real power wasn’t the title printed on his door. It was the accumulation of relationships behind it. Miller came from Maryland’s old Democratic organization and developed into an extraordinarily adaptable political operator, retaining authority even as the Senate around him became younger and more liberal. (The Washington Post) He understood something fundamental: politics is information. Who wants what? Who owes whom? Which senator needs help? Which county executive wants something in the budget? Which committee chairman can move a bill? Which lobbyist represents which client? Which candidate should receive support today because that candidate could be a senator ten years from now? Miller knew the answers because he’d spent decades collecting them. Miller’s influence wasn’t confined to elected officials. Former Miller aides became prominent Annapolis lobbyists. Maryland Matters noted figures such as Joseph Bryce and Timothy Perry among the high-profile lobbyists who had once served as top Miller aides. (Maryland Matters) That was one of Miller’s greatest political achievements. He didn’t merely accumulate power around himself. He produced alumni. Staffers became lobbyists. Legislators became committee chairs. Allies became power brokers. And decades of relationships reinforced one another. By the end, Mike Miller wasn’t simply a person. He was an ecosystem. Hoyer’s network was different. Miller’s power was rooted in Annapolis. Hoyer connected Maryland to Washington. He served in the Maryland Senate before winning election to Congress in 1981 and ultimately became one of the longest-serving members of the U.S. House and a longtime No. 2 in House Democratic leadership. In January 2026, Hoyer announced that he would retire rather than seek another term. (The Washington Post) His influence stretched through: Prince George’s County, Southern Maryland, Congress, federal agencies, donors, campaign organizations, and generations of Democratic candidates. And Hoyer had something machine builders value enormously: a succession network. That became obvious almost immediately. When Hoyer announced his retirement, Maryland’s 5th Congressional District exploded with candidates. Twenty-four Democrats entered the race. But when the votes were counted, the winner was Adrian Boafo, Hoyer’s former campaign manager. Boafo wasn’t running without establishment help. He was endorsed by Hoyer. He was endorsed by Governor Wes Moore. And he ultimately won the Democratic nomination. (AP News) In his victory speech, Boafo described the result as voters deciding it was time to “pass the torch to a new generation of leaders.” (AP News) That phrase captures the transition perfectly. Hoyer’s seat isn’t simply being vacated. Parts of his network are being transferred. But they aren’t being transferred to another Steny Hoyer. They’re being absorbed into a newer political constellation. And standing prominently inside that constellation is Wes Moore. If someone forces you to name the single person sitting nearest the center of Maryland Democratic politics today, the answer is Governor Wes Moore. The 2026 Democratic gubernatorial primary underscored the scale of his position. Moore won renomination overwhelmingly, receiving roughly 88% of the Democratic primary vote. (WBAL-TV) But raw votes tell only part of the story. Look at the party infrastructure. The Maryland Democratic Party says Steuart Pittman ran for state party chairman in 2025 “at the suggestion of Governor Wes Moore.” Pittman took office that July. (The Maryland Democratic Party) That’s important. Governors traditionally influence their state parties. But party leadership plus fundraising, endorsements, executive appointments and national relationships creates the beginning of something bigger: a political network that could survive the governor’s term. Moore also played a role in the Hoyer succession by backing Boafo. That’s how political organizations reproduce themselves. You support tomorrow’s politician today. And that’s the distinction that matters. Moore has enormous statewide visibility. Miller had decades of accumulated legislative control. Moore can endorse candidates. Miller could influence the environment in which legislators lived every day. Committee assignments. Leadership positions. Legislative priorities. Relationships that had been accumulating since before many current lawmakers entered politics. Moore may have a larger national profile than Miller ever possessed. But he doesn’t possess Miller’s half-century of Annapolis memory. Nobody does. Which is why the modern Maryland political structure looks less like a pyramid and more like several power centers connected by overlapping relationships. One of those centers belongs to Senate President Bill Ferguson. Ferguson controls an institution no governor can simply command. The Senate. Maryland’s official 2026 legislative records identify Ferguson as Senate President. (Maryland General Assembly) That means influence over: committee structure, Senate leadership, legislative priorities, confirmations, and negotiations with the House and governor. But Ferguson is not Mike Miller 2.0. Miller’s extraordinary longevity allowed him to become almost inseparable from the institution. Ferguson possesses the office. Miller possessed the office plus decades of political mythology and accumulated relationships. Those aren’t the same thing. The House now has its own new center of gravity. Official 2026 legislative records identify Joseline Peña-Melnyk as Speaker of the House of Delegates, alongside Ferguson as Senate President. (Maryland General Assembly) That makes the current Maryland governing triangle: Executive power. Senate power. House power. None fully controls the others. And that fact alone demonstrates how different modern Maryland is from the Miller era. The governor proposes. The legislature disposes. Committee leaders negotiate. County interests intervene. And political coalitions shift issue by issue. That’s not one machine. That’s a networked power structure. Then there’s U.S. Senator Angela Alsobrooks. Her significance isn’t that she is the new Hoyer. She isn’t. Hoyer spent decades constructing his network. Alsobrooks brings something different: Prince George’s County roots, a statewide electoral organization, a United States Senate platform, and relationships with national Democratic leaders. That makes her a critical bridge between Maryland and Washington at precisely the moment Hoyer leaves. Hoyer’s retirement therefore doesn’t necessarily weaken Prince George’s influence. It changes who carries it. Prince George’s itself is undergoing a dramatic generational transition. Official 2026 results show Aisha Braveboy winning the Democratic County Executive primary with 87,944 votes and 73.31% of the vote. (Maryland State Board of Elections) That’s political infrastructure. Prince George’s is one of Maryland’s central Democratic vote engines. A county executive with that level of primary support gains: appointments, budget influence, organizational relationships, donor access, and a platform for cultivating the next generation of political leadership. Braveboy therefore isn’t merely another person on the Maryland power map. She controls a place from which a political organization can be built. Boafo is particularly interesting because he sits almost perfectly at the intersection between the old and new worlds. He worked for Hoyer. Hoyer endorsed him. Moore endorsed him. Then Boafo beat an enormous Democratic field for Hoyer’s seat. (AP News) That doesn’t make him powerful on Hoyer’s scale. He’s just beginning. But it illustrates how power actually transfers: not through a ceremonial handoff, but through endorsements, donors, staff, relationships, and voter confidence. Boafo may become Hoyer’s congressional successor. He will not automatically inherit Hoyer’s 40-plus years of political capital. That part has to be rebuilt. This is the part that often gets overlooked. When a machine breaks apart, power doesn’t only move upward. Some people’s relationships become less valuable. Former Miller aides still know Annapolis. Former Miller allies still possess institutional memory. Veteran lobbyists don’t forget how legislation works. But something fundamental disappeared when Miller did: the common center. The person capable of connecting all of them instantly was gone. That changes the value of a political network. Imagine knowing everybody in Annapolis. Useful. Now imagine the person who introduced many of those people, appointed committee chairs, influenced Senate priorities and understood decades of relationships is simultaneously Senate President. Much more useful. Remove that person and the individual relationships remain. But the system becomes decentralized. First: Bill Ferguson. The Senate’s institutional relationships now run through his leadership rather than Miller’s. Second: the House leadership. With the Miller-Busch generation gone, today’s House leaders are building their own committee chairs, alliances and relationships. Third: Wes Moore. Moore became governor after Miller was gone. That distinction matters. Earlier governors had to operate with Miller sitting across State Circle. Moore entered office during a generational reset. Instead of negotiating with the old machine, he has the opportunity to help build the next network. Fourth: Angela Alsobrooks and the emerging Prince George’s generation. Hoyer is leaving. Miller is gone. The county’s political leadership now belongs to another generation. Fifth: politicians who were outside the old Miller organization. When someone dominates an institution for 33 years, inevitably some politicians develop within that organization and others outside it. Miller’s departure created room for people who may never have risen as quickly under the old structure. That’s the biggest point. If Mike Miller’s power had simply transferred to Bill Ferguson, Maryland would still have a machine. If Hoyer’s influence simply transferred to Boafo, Maryland would still have a machine. If every county leader simply took orders from Moore, Maryland would have a machine. None of those things happened. Instead: Moore controls the statewide executive platform. Ferguson controls the Senate. Peña-Melnyk controls the House. Alsobrooks has statewide and federal reach. Braveboy has Prince George’s executive power. Pittman leads the state Democratic Party after Moore encouraged him to seek the role. (The Maryland Democratic Party) Boafo represents the beginning of the post-Hoyer congressional generation. And Baltimore, Montgomery County, organized labor, donors and other county organizations maintain their own centers of influence. That’s not one machine. If you want to understand where Maryland power is moving, don’t simply watch office titles. Watch endorsements. Who does Moore support? Who does Alsobrooks support? Who gets Ferguson’s allies? Who gets House leadership? Who gets Hoyer’s blessing? Who gets labor? Who gets major donors? And most importantly: That is where the new Maryland network becomes visible. The Boafo race was a textbook example. Hoyer’s successor didn’t emerge randomly from 24 candidates. He had ties to the outgoing incumbent and support from the governor. The old network and the emerging one overlapped. And voters chose him. (AP News) Moore may ultimately become the most important person in determining whether Maryland develops another durable statewide political organization. But the test isn’t whether Moore himself remains popular. The test is what happens to the people he supports. Which delegates become senators? Which senators become committee chairs? Which county officials become executives? Which staffers become candidates? Which appointees become statewide leaders? Who gets his donor network? Who gets his political advisers? Who eventually gets his endorsement when Maryland faces a post-Moore gubernatorial succession fight? That’s how we’ll know whether Moore was merely a successful governor— or the founder of another generation of Maryland power. There’s another category worth watching: politicians who came from Miller’s Maryland but remain active in the new one. Dereck Davis is one. Anthony Brown is another. Veteran legislators and former officials throughout the state still possess old relationships that newer politicians don’t. These people can function as bridges. That’s important because political systems rarely reset completely. The new machine usually grows partly from pieces of the old one. Donors don’t disappear. Lobbyists don’t disappear. Operatives don’t disappear. Institutional memory doesn’t disappear. They find new centers of gravity. If you want one name: His overwhelming 2026 Democratic renomination, executive authority, national profile and influence within the Maryland Democratic Party make that difficult to dispute. (WBAL-TV) But saying Moore “runs Maryland” the way Miller once ran the Senate would oversimplify the reality. Maryland power today looks more like this: WES MOORE Statewide organization.Appointments.Fundraising.Executive government.National Democratic relationships. BILL FERGUSON The Senate.Committees.Confirmations.Legislative leverage. JOSELINE PEÑA-MELNYK The House.Committee leadership.Budget and legislative leverage. ANGELA ALSOBROOKS Statewide electoral organization.Federal platform.Prince George’s relationships.National Democratic connections. AISHA BRAVEBOY Prince George’s executive organization.County government.A major Democratic vote base. THE POST-HOYER GENERATION Boafo and the emerging political class that will have to rebuild Hoyer’s Washington-Maryland network rather than simply inherit it. It did something more interesting. Mike Miller’s influence was too personal, too old and too deeply rooted in his own relationships to be inherited whole. Hoyer’s network is too extensive and too intertwined with decades of congressional politics to fit neatly inside one successor. So the pieces are moving. Toward Moore. Toward Ferguson. Toward Peña-Melnyk. Toward Alsobrooks. Toward Braveboy. Toward younger candidates and new county organizations. And toward veteran political survivors who understand both eras. That’s the next chapter of Maryland politics. The person who eventually connects: Annapolis, Prince George’s, Montgomery County, Baltimore, labor, business, donors, the Maryland Democratic Party, and the congressional delegation will possess something Maryland hasn’t truly seen since Miller’s heyday. Not merely another elected official. And maybe that’s why searching for “the next Mike Miller” is the wrong exercise. There may never be another one. The more important question is: Miller spent half a century becoming that person. Hoyer spent decades becoming another version of it. Maryland’s current political leaders are still competing for the privilege. And until somebody actually connects all those pieces, the most accurate answer to the question “Who runs Maryland?” may be the most fascinating one of all: No one does. Not anymore. But there are plenty of people trying. Sources University of Maryland and Maryland Matters — Miller’s 33-year Senate presidency and political legacy. (Behavioral and Social Sciences) Washington Post historical reporting — Miller’s rise from Maryland machine politics and ability to retain power as the Senate evolved. (The Washington Post) Maryland Matters — former top Miller aides who moved into Annapolis lobbying and the changing Senate power structure. (Maryland Matters) Washington Post and Reuters — Hoyer’s January 2026 retirement announcement after more than four decades in Congress and his long Democratic leadership career. (The Washington Post) Associated Press — Adrian Boafo’s 2026 victory in the Democratic primary to succeed Hoyer, including Hoyer and Moore’s support and Boafo’s “pass the torch” remarks. (AP News) Maryland Democratic Party — Steuart Pittman’s official biography stating that he sought the state chairmanship at Moore’s suggestion. (The Maryland Democratic Party) Maryland General Assembly — official 2026 records identifying Bill Ferguson as Senate President and Joseline Peña-Melnyk as Speaker. (Maryland General Assembly) Maryland State Board of Elections — official 2026 Prince George’s County results showing Aisha Braveboy’s dominant County Executive primary victory. (Maryland State Board of Elections) 2026 election reporting — Moore’s overwhelming Democratic gubernatorial primary victory. (WBAL-TV)
Single mom turns to 7 On Your Side for help with son's healthcare coverage as he fights cancer
With nowhere else to turn, the Jersey City mom sent an SOS to 7 On Your Side.
Sammy Sosa reveals Shohei Ohtani snub, picks National League MVP
The 2026 National League MVP plaque would not be heading to Los Angeles if it was up to Sammy Sosa.
Science of Speed: Immersive Experience at Kamin Science Center
New Immersive ‘Science of Speed’ Experience at Kamin Science Center - Things to Do - Made In PGH - New 2026 Exhibits - Science - Family Fun
The Democrats’ one neat trick to try to win a Senate majority
The battle for the Senate in 2026 comes with some fascinating wrinkles: In a trio of races — Idaho, Nebraska and South Dakota — the Democrat has dropped out to help an independent try to win in a red state.
Carbondale Area students conclude participation in Chief Science Officer Program
Carbondale Area Junior/Senior High School eighth grade and freshman students recently concluded their participation in the Chief Science Officer Program with a year-end celebration on May 29. Students gathered at NEIU 19 to showcase the…
StL Cardinals S.O.S. For The Last 35 Games
It is time to put out an SOS as the St Louis Cardinals have 35 games left to show what they can do. The S.O.S. this year, however, is not a distress signal. The remaining strength of schedule for the Cardinals actually ain’t too bad! While on one hand, the real meaning of SOS is […]
Course for pros: First Alert 4’s David Amelotti and Sports on 4 Jacob Cersosimo play at Bellerive
A course for the pros, First Alert 4’s David Amelotti and Sports on 4 Jacob Cersosimo played golf at the Bellerive ahead of the BMW Championship.
McMaster signs off on South Carolina budget, vetoes 14 provisions
Gov. Henry McMaster vetoed 14 items in the $15 billion budget, largely citing redundancies between provisos and state law.
Trump approval rating sinks to yet another low in new poll
President Donald Trump’s polling woes continue as his approval rating fell to a new low in a Reuters/Ipsos survey released Aug. 17.
5 bizarre ways space experts want to clean up Earth’s orbit
Sticky satellites? Space harpoons? Robotic tentacles? Laser cannons? Space lassos? The fight against space junk continues
“Back to the roots of endurance riding” – new Trek Domane ditches IsoSpeed and in-frame storage to save 305 grams
Trek says the updated Domane is just as comfortable as the previous iteration and can fit 40mm tyres
Higher-income families more likely to enroll kids in organized sports, an AP-Ipsos poll finds
WASHINGTON (AP) — Americans overwhelmingly see major benefits to children playing organized sports, a new poll finds, but higher-income families are more likely to participate.
Higher-income families more likely to enroll kids in organized sports: poll
A new AP-Ipsos poll finds Americans overwhelmingly see major benefits to children playing organized sports, but higher-income families are more likely to participate.
Higher-income families more likely to enroll kids in organized sports, an AP-Ipsos poll finds
A new AP-Ipsos poll finds Americans overwhelmingly see major benefits to children playing organized sports, but higher-income families are more likely to participate
Vast majority of sports parents feel the benefits of youth sports outweigh the drawbacks
Findings from a new Associated Press/Ipsos poll of parents of K-12 children enrolled in organized sports
What do fans think of potential minority share sale?
Liverpool fans consider the club to have a specific set of values, centred around its working-class roots. When FSG attempted to raise season ticket prices last season, fans' group Spirit of Shankly (SOS) launched a campaign called 'Not a Pound in the Ground'. It urged fans to buy food and drink from local businesses in the Anfield area rather than inside the stadium.
'A little grace': Kate Beckinsale pushes back on comments about her weight loss
Kate Beckinsale pushed back on comments about her weight, opening up about grief, loss and a health condition.
August 10 "Colorado Chamber Office Hours": Secretary of State candidates talk business issues
Colorado Secretary of State candidates James Wiley and Amanda Gonzalez talk business issues on the "Colorado Chamber Office Hours" podcast.
Shifting left, Democrats see universal health care, taxing the rich as 'essential,' Reuters/Ipsos poll finds
Liberal Democrats now make up a clear majority of their party and view universal healthcare, greater abortion access and higher taxes on the rich as essential political positions, underscoring how Democrats have moved leftward in recent years, according to a new Reuters/Ipsos poll.
What to do this weekend: Reggae at Riverview, Science of Speed and Lawrenceville Art Crawl
Buckle up and it's off to the races at the Kamin Science Center's new "Science of Speed" exhibit, check original works at the Lawrenceville Art Crawl or chill at the Reggae at Riverview concert — here's what to do in Pittsburgh this weekend.
Xabi Alonso's Chelsea rebuild: How Bayer Leverkusen glory explains the plan to recruit role models at Stamford Bridge
Following the news that Chelsea are looking to sign Danny Welbeck and Jordan Henderson this summer, Adam Bate reflects on whether there are lessons from Xabi Alonsos spectacular success at Bayer Leverkusen that offer clues to explain his thinking...
Conservatives tout Biden tapes as proof of his decline. The audio is more nuanced.
Audio of Joe Biden's interviews with a ghostwriter in 2016 and 2017 show him referencing classified materials and occasionally struggling to recall details.
Medical Assets Holding Company names Jay Meador as President
Medical Assets Holding Company (MAHC) announced Monday (July 27) that Jay Meador has joined the company as President. Meador joined the MAHC team in July 2026 following a career of...
Poll: Only One in Three Americans Support Iran War
Reuters/Ipsos polling has shown support for military action against Iran never rising above 40% since the conflict began on February 28.
She built her own architecture firm. Now she's opening doors for others.
Katherine Serrano Sosa is growing Rooted Architecture Studio in a difficult market while helping Latina and immigrant architects navigate a profession where few see themselves represented.
Former ‘Bachelor’ producer relearned how to walk after near-fatal brain aneurysm
Former ‘Bachelor’ producer Desiree Duckett relearned how to walk after the near-fatal brain aneurysm she suffered while filming Joan Vassos’ season of ‘The Golden Bachelorette.’
Almost half say Supreme Court rulings on Trump agenda based on politics: Survey
Nearly half of Americans say they believe the Supreme Court is ruling on President Trump’s policies based on ideology instead of the law, according to a new poll. The Washington Post/Ipsos survey, …
Shaky political "science": breakdown of the peer review process
[This article is the latest in our “Shaky Political Science” series. In our 38 page report, “Shaky political ‘science’ misses mark on ranked choice voting,” released in December 2025, we examined over 40 studies focused on ranked choice voting (RCV). Many of these studies suffered from puzzling research methodologies, poorly constructed surveys, unrealistic simulated elections, cherry picked data and faulty analyses that often were contradicted by results from real-world elections (a link to our full paper is here). Here are links to the first four articles in our series: the first one summarizing the overall results of our report; the second one analyzed a study co-authored by University of Minnesota academic Larry Jacobs, which was one of the most error-prone of all the research we reviewed in our report; a third article showing an admirable example of two political scientists holding two other political scientists accountable for their flawed, sloppy research; and a fourth article that analyzed seven studies sponsored by New America’s political reform program that deployed flawed methodology based on “simulated” elections instead of real-world elections, which when combined with some basic misunderstandings of RCV, produced odd and misleading results]. In this fifth article in our “Shaky Political Science” series, we examine two flawed studies on the impact of RCV on voter turnout authored by San Francisco State University professor Jason McDaniel. McDaniel’s research in these two papers stands out for its puzzling methodology, inadequate and cherry-picked data, and faulty analyses that not only misunderstands ranked choice voting but reflects a basic misunderstanding of politics in general. The first of the McDaniel studies actually passed through a peer review process and then was subsequently published by the Journal of Urban Affairs, despite its obvious errors. It is perplexing that a jury of peer political scientists did not catch the errors and send it back to McDaniel for a rewrite or outright rejection. This calls into question the credibility of the peer review process itself. The peer review process is supposed to represent the intellectual pinnacle of the profession – a way for academics to certify the quality of each other’s work, and to act as a check against sloppy research. In the case of the McDaniel study, the peer review process failed. Yet his flawed study has been cited dozens of times by other political scientists in their own flawed works — an unvirtuous circle of academic research. Here is the first Jason McDaniel study that we analyzed: “Writing the Rules to Rank the Candidates: Examining the Impact of Instant-Runoff Voting on Racial Group Turnout in San Francisco Mayoral Elections,” by Jason McDaniel, 2016, Journal of Urban Affairs. This study covered San Francisco’s use of ranked choice voting (RCV) in mayoral elections, purporting to show that RCV reduces voter turnout overall, increases voter errors, and has a negative impact on “marginal populations,” i.e. racial minorities, mainly as the result of the alleged complexity of RCV asking voters to rank candidates and having to be familiar with multiple candidates and related dynamics. McDaniel reached these conclusions by examining five San Francisco mayoral elections taking place in odd years (i.e. where there are no federal or state races on the ballot) from 1995 to 2011, comparing three earlier non-RCV races (in 1995, 1999 and 2003) with the later two RCV races (in 2007 and 2011). Only two RCV races were studied, and as McDaniel acknowledged, only the contest in 2011 was “competitive” (that contest in 2007 was the first mayoral election using RCV, and incumbent mayor Gavin Newsom won easily in the first round of counting, earning 74% of first choices and far ahead of the second place candidate who had just 6.3% of first choices). Yet even the allegedly competitive contest in 2011was won by an incumbent with a landslide margin of nearly 20 points. No other elections were studied by McDaniel, even though San Francisco elects 17 other offices besides mayor with RCV, including the 11 seats on the Board of Supervisors (the name for the city council) in even years, and six other citywide offices in odd years. Previous academic research has found that competitive elections can stimulate greater voter involvement and higher turnout. For unexplained reasons, this study ignored at least 34 other RCV races between the years 2004 to 2011, many of which were very competitive and had high voter turnout. Instead, McDaniel’s analysis based its conclusions on data from only a single, marginally-competitive mayor’s race using RCV. These 2007 and 2011 mayoral elections were the only two RCV elections that McDaniel used as the sole basis for his small data set to determine the impact of RCV on voter turnout. Despite having no meaningful data to inform his study, McDaniel nonetheless concluded that RCV lowered turnout when compared to the previous three mayoral non-RCV elections using two-round runoffs. Then, using the same inadequate database of San Francisco elections, McDaniel also found that “Instant-runoff voting is associated with a significant decline in Black voter turnout and White voter turnout…On average, Black voter turnout decreases by 18 points and White voter turnout decreases by 16 points …” But how could he credibly arrive at that conclusion when his study was based on voter turnout in two RCV contests that were not even remotely competitive? Beyond that, McDaniel tacitly admits that the key determining factor driving Black voter turnout was not RCV vs non-RCV elections, but the presence of a viable Black candidate. McDaniel wrote, “Black voter turnout was about 17 percentage points higher for the two elections that featured an African American candidate compared to the three elections that did not” — but one of those three elections did not use RCV. The same dynamic was present for White voter turnout, in which higher turnout was not correlated with RCV vs non-RCV elections, but the presence of a viable White candidate. Beyond that, McDaniel’s voter turnout results, whether correlated with the race of the candidates or RCV vs non-RCV elections, showed no clear patterns. In his Figure 1, he shows low Asian voter turnout in the non-RCV elections in 1999 and 2003 when there was no viable Asian candidate running, but in the 2007 mayoral election using RCV, there is still no viable Asian candidate, yet Asian turnout increases dramatically. For Latinos, voter turnout is virtually the same in 1999 (no viable Latino candidate, non-RCV elections), 2003 (leading Latino candidate, non-RCV elections), 2007 (no viable Latino candidate, RCV elections) and 2011 (leading Latino candidate, RCV elections). Meanwhile White voter turnout increased dramatically from a low in the 2007 mayoral election, in which the leading candidate was a white incumbent, to the 2011 election in which there were no leading white candidates that finished any higher than sixth place with 5.6% of the vote. Clearly other factors were determining voter turnout than either the race of the candidates or RCV vs non-RCV elections. Despite these inconsistent findings, McDaniel boldly marches forth to render conclusions about the impact of RCV on different groups of racial voters, even though his conclusions are not remotely supported by his data. This looks like the worst kind of “data cherry picking” to cover up a puzzling conclusion based on a poor data set involving only two RCV elections, neither of which were remotely competitive. McDaniel’s cherry picking didn’t stop there. In calculating voter turnout for the three non-RCV mayoral elections in 1995, 1999 and 2003, he failed to mention that in each of these years there was a two-round runoff election, with a first round election in November in which no candidate garnered a winning majority of the vote, followed by the decisive runoff in December. So there were two non-RCV elections in each election year. But McDaniel only decided to include one of the two elections in his data set, apparently the December runoff in each year (which had higher turnout in two out of the three mayor’s races, and lower turnout in the third). So he ignored the November 1995 election, the November 1999 election when turnout was only 45 percent, and the November 2003 election when turnout was only 45.7 percent. This is flawed methodology based on blatant cherry picking, since McDaniel simply omitted three elections worth of data that did not fit within his frame. His study should never have made it through a peer review process, and it is an embarrassment to political science that not only was it approved for publication, but it has been uncritically cited by dozens of other political scientists. Share A “study” without wider context or credible data Lacking a data set that included even a single competitive RCV mayoral race, McDaniel declared that RCV lowered voter turnout in 2011, when turnout was 42.5 percent. But he also ignored -- or did not realize -- that voter turnout in mayoral elections during 2011 had sharply declined in all big cities, including far more steeply in nearby Los Angeles and other cities. In fact, San Francisco’s election in 2011 had the second highest turnout of any mayoral election in the nation’s 22 largest cities from 2008-2011. Was 2011 just a particularly low turnout year all across the country, perhaps because the country was still reeling from the aftermath of the housing market collapse in 2008-2010? McDaniel ignored this factor and did not search for alternative explanations beyond his flawed thesis. Furthermore, while McDaniel suggested that RCV leads to more “overvotes” – which is an invalidated ballot in which a voter, in either a non-RCV or RCV race, makes a mistake and selects two candidates for a single choice – he failed to address that in the June 2012 US Senate primary contest, which used the typical “one-choice” plurality method and did not use RCV, there was more than five times as many overvotes in San Francisco and Oakland than in the RCV mayoral elections in those cities. Additionally, turnout had been significantly higher and more representative in RCV elections for the San Francisco Board of Supervisors races -- that McDaniel didn’t even bother to study -- as compared to previous “delayed two-round runoffs” for those offices, often higher by as much as 40% in the RCV races. Perhaps the most surprising irony was that an earlier study co-authored by McDaniel (Overvoting and the Equality of Voice under Instant-Runoff Voting in San Francisco by Francis Neely and Jason McDaniel, 2015, California Journal of Politics and Policy) found that overvotes are often more common in lower-income precincts, but that the pattern of overvoting is similar in both RCV and non-RCV contests. Wrote Neely and McDaniel: “[Overvote] errors appear to be a function of complexity in general and not IRV per se…. the pattern of overvoting is similar in both IRV and non-IRV contests…Even among votes cast in a top-of-the-ticket race like U.S. Senate, overvoting occurs in an uneven fashion” (IRV, or ‘instant runoff voting,’ is another name for ranked choice voting in single-winner contests). So McDaniel not only contradicted his own conclusion in his earlier study with Neely, but the earlier study had been an important corrective for one of the most frequently made mistakes made by anti-RCV political scientists – a continual failure to provide crucial context by pairing a comparative analysis of real world RCV elections with an analysis of real world plurality or other electoral methods. Unfortunately McDaniel’s earlier study does not get cited much by other researchers, and McDaniel did not even cite it in his own flawed study analyzed above. Incredibly, McDaniel cherrypicked McDaniel, even as his flawed study has been cited dozens of times. Despite being a textbook example of poor political “science,” featuring both inadequate as well as cherrypicked data, the shelf life of McDaniel’s study has been extended endlessly by other political scientists and media outlets who have cited it uncritically. Equally troubling, the Journal of Urban Affairs put this paper through its peer review process and published it despite its numerous flaws. McDaniel gets it wrong, Part II Not content with producing one shoddy, confused paper, McDaniel produced another one a few years later, here is the link: Electoral Rules and Voter Turnout in Mayoral Elections: An Analysis of Ranked-Choice Voting by Jason McDaniel. San Francisco State Univ. (McDaniel, 2019). In this paper, McDaniel extended his previous flawed research focused on San Francisco, about voter turnout and voter impact, to multiple RCV cities through the 2018 elections. In his data set he included San Francisco, Minneapolis, St Paul, Oakland, Berkeley, San Leandro and Santa Fe. He then compared their turnout in mayoral elections to non-RCV cities, and to mayoral elections in those cities held before first RCV usage, and concluded “a significant decrease in voter turnout of approximately 3–5 percentage points in RCV cities after the implementation of RCV.” But he replicated many of the same mistakes as his first study presented above. While in this study McDaniel attempted to distinguish between various factors, such as odd year vs. even year elections, competitive races vs. noncompetitive, contests with open seats and other factors, the analysis is superficial and inadequate. He attempts to incorporate so many often-conflicting variables that his conclusions are once again unsupported by the actual data, and ultimately unconvincing (this second study never underwent a peer review process). For example, McDaniel declared that for RCV cities “in elections that are more competitive than average (margin of victory less than 20%), there is no significant RCV effect on voter turnout.” Yet McDaniel is a professor in a city, San Francisco, in which the 2018 special election using RCV to fill a mayoral vacancy was exceedingly close, decided by a margin of only one percentage point, and resulted in the second highest turnout in San Francisco history for a mayoral election. Illustrating the complexity involved in assessing the critical factors in turnout, that special election was held on the same election day as federal and state offices, which tends to boost turnout. Yet more voters participated in that RCV mayoral election than voted on the same day in the non-RCV primary for governor in which former San Francisco mayor Gavin Newsom was running. Even more puzzling, in this study McDaniel inaccurately cited his own previous study from 2015 with Neely. McDaniel wrote, “Neely and McDaniel (2015) examine individual ballot image files within a natural experiment, and find higher rates of ballot errors in RCV elections compared to non-RCV elections” (emphasis added). However, we quoted from that 2015 study several paragraphs above, and in actual fact Neely and McDaniel actually concluded the opposite -- that the pattern of overvoting – which is the most common form of ballot error – is similar in both RCV and non-RCV contests. McDaniel also ignored the fact that in Bay Area RCV elections held in even years – at the same time as federal and state elections, when turnout is highest -- the “undervote” (that is, the dropoff in ballots cast for governor or mayor) has declined, which contradicts his thesis that the act of ranking ballots in RCV elections is too complex and presents a barrier for certain demographics of voters. To his credit, McDaniel actually acknowledged another contradiction in his own paper, which found a negative RCV turnout effect in some odd-year elections but not others, admitting that “may present a challenge to the theory that increased complexity [from RCV] will have a marginal negative effect on voter turnout.” But he tried to wallpaper over that contradiction by blaming it on an unlikely source -- bad election administration. McDaniels wrote, “This would suggest that the negative impact of RCV on voter participation may be alleviated by high quality election administration,” without presenting any data or even anecdotes to support such an unfounded theory. While competent election administration of any election, whether RCV or non-RCV, is crucially important, there is no credible research that supports the far-fetched notion that the quality of election administration has much of an impact on voter turnout in US elections, whether using RCV or otherwise. Upgrade to a $5 subscription The unvirtuous circle of academic research It is puzzling how McDaniel’s first study could have survived the peer review process for the Journal of Urban Affairs. The mistakes in McDaniel’s first study above should have been obvious to anyone with a basic understanding of ranked choice voting as well as elections in general, and elections in San Francisco specifically. It undermines faith in the credibility of the peer review process to think that a jury of peer political scientists did not catch the egregious errors and reject McDaniel’s sloppy research and paper. And it remains a black mark on political science that this thoroughly discredited study has been cited dozens of times by other researchers. Indeed, in our research paper it became apparent that many political scientists cite each other’s flawed research to pad their list of citations and to legitimize their own flawed research, creating an unvirtuous circle of political science. More broadly, McDaniel’s voter turnout studies, like other studies evaluating RCV’s impact on turnout, lacked a recognition that no credible opinion or research can claim that RCV increases voter turnout merely because so many voters are excited to vote for their favorite candidates instead of “lesser evil” candidates without worrying about spoilers. Instead, with respect to turnout, the advantage of RCV has always been that, in most places where it has been used, it has eliminated a pre-November primary or post-November runoff, which usually saw about half the turnout of the November general election. This is especially true during even years when there are state and federal elections on the ballot which substantially drive turnout more than local contests. Any study that does not adequately account for this non-November primary/runoff vs November general election dynamic, or odd year vs even year election factors, is simply not credible. Both of McDaniel’s studies largely failed on those grounds. Steven Hill and Paul Haughey Share Upgrade to a $5 subscription Thanks for reading DemocracySOS…your digital portal for the pro-democracy movement. Subscribe for only $5 per month to receive full benefits and to support our work. Subscribe
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