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Inside Trump and Mamdani’s 2-hour phone call after the New York City ICE shooting
The friendly relationship between President Donald Trump and New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani hit one of its toughest tests yet Thursday after a series of calls over a shooting involving immigration agents in the Bronx.
Schumer, Jeffries dodge Mamdani controversy as fellow New York Dem unloads
NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani's Oct. 7 anniversary statement drew sharp criticism, but Chuck Schumer and Hakeem Jeffries have stayed notably silent.
Mamdani wants to let New Yorkers sue over unfair business practices, but some biz groups aren’t sold
Mayor Zohran Mamdani is proposing to give workers, consumers, tenants and small businesses a new right to sue companies over unfair and abusive business
Brazil: Lessons from a Disaster
By Antonio Martins (Outras Palavras) Defeats become deeper and more prolonged when we misunderstand what caused them, avoid correcting course, and embrace “solutions” that only compound our mistakes. Lula’s government and the Brazilian left suffered a disaster in Sunday’s election. Contrary to every poll, the president finished the first round 2.2 million votes behind Flávio Bolsonaro—and, more significantly, 3.4 million votes below his total four years ago, when the machinery of the state was working against him and in favor of his opponent. His vote share declined in 98 percent of Brazil’s municipalities. The PL, the main party of the far right, elected 121 deputies and 28 senators, becoming the largest caucus in both houses of Congress. The parties aligned with the Centrão—Brazil’s bloc of transactional center-right parties—were somewhat diminished, but will still hold roughly 250 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 35 in the Senate. That will make it easier to assemble the majorities needed to amend the Constitution or impeach Supreme Federal Court justices. If elected, Flávio Bolsonaro could appoint four members of the Court, substantially altering its internal balance of power. What produced these results? How can the far right be prevented from consolidating them into a prolonged political hegemony? And what is the essential change of direction the left now needs? Explaining the Disaster Across the commercial media and the exuberant chaos of digital platforms, interpretations are multiplying. Some focus on specific episodes: Lula’s absence from the Globo debate, his very close relationship with Alexandre de Moraes, or his emphasis on issues supposedly remote from most people’s everyday concerns, such as rare earth minerals. Among the more systemic interpretations, three seem especially questionable. One argues that the principal defeat was not the left’s, since its congressional representation declined only slightly. The decisive movement captured at the ballot box, according to this view, was a shift within the right itself—from the more moderate and transactional forces of the Centrão toward the more ideological and radicalized forces of the PL and Novo. A second interpretation holds that the nature of electoral and political processes has changed. The material interests and aspirations of society, it argues, no longer play the central role they once did; they have given way to forms of subjective self-identification that the left has yet to understand. And a third concludes that, because of these two developments, we should expect a political winter: a prolonged period in which the far right and the broader right dominate Brazilian political life. There are important elements in all three interpretations. The problem lies in what they deny or leave out: Lula’s third government was a small-bore government. It offered the majorities that elected it neither a clearly better life nor reasons to believe again in politics and its power to transform society. These failures flowed from two fatal accommodations, which I will examine below. As a result, the government suffered a slow but steady erosion of support. And, as has happened in so many Western countries, it gave the far right the opportunity to present itself as anti-system and to benefit from popular frustration and distress. The interpretation that emphasizes the migration of votes from the center-right and traditional right toward the far right has been advanced, among others, by the courageous journalist Leonardo Sakamoto. In his UOL column on Monday, October 5, he highlights the miserable behavior of the traditional conservative parties. Over the past four years, they repeatedly joined forces with the “neo”-fascists, helping to “normalize” them—a criticism that could equally be directed at almost the entire corporate media. Believing they could use the far right as a stepping stone, they instead ended up partly devoured by it. This was especially true in the Senate, where the PL’s gain of 13 senators and Novo’s gain of two came at the expense of the PSD, which lost nine; the MDB, which lost two; the PSDB, which lost two; and the PP, which lost one. Sakamoto’s observation is accurate and necessary, but it leaves uncomfortable questions unanswered. Why did the erosion of the Centrão benefit the far right rather than, for example, producing growth for the left—as has happened so many times before, both in Brazil and elsewhere? The answer is not difficult. Throughout its four years in office, Lula’s third government was almost invariably associated with the Centrão. Here lies its first accommodation: accepting the limits imposed by conservative institutions; avoiding, as much as possible, any attempt to strain those limits through popular pressure; and believing only in the modest changes that could be squeezed through openings in Congress. The failure of the campaign to end the six-day workweek is emblematic. Lula could have electrified the presidential race by pairing it with a popular campaign for passage of the measure. Instead, he chose to place his hopes in the hands of Senate president Rodrigo Alcolumbre. He generated no mass mobilization, did not force his opponents onto an uncomfortable defensive, and won no victory. In September 2025, the government squandered the greatest of its many opportunities to shake up conservative power in Congress. Popular opposition to the so-called Shielding Amendment—which, if approved, would have restricted criminal proceedings against members of Congress—brought crowds into the streets, mobilized primarily by artists and social movements. This opened the possibility for a broader political education: a campaign that could begin exposing the limits and dysfunctions of Brazil’s political system while putting Bolsonaro’s movement on the defensive for its predictable support of political privilege. The amendment was defeated. But the executive branch then backed away from the fight. It remained associated with an institutional world widely seen as corrupt, elitist, and indifferent to ordinary people’s struggles. In doing so, it forfeited its credibility as a vehicle for the protest vote. On Sunday, it reaped the bitter fruits. Are We Doomed? Taking a different approach from Sakamoto, the philosopher Moysés Pinto Neto and other writers have drawn attention, in their first analyses of October 4, to the fragmentation of the public sphere produced by Big Tech platforms. Through their algorithms, these platforms present each person with a different view of social reality. As a consequence, it becomes much harder to identify common material problems and demands—for example, the fight for labor rights or for a properly funded public health system. Voters no longer embrace such demands, these authors argue, because they no longer see themselves as part of a collective. Instead, they tend to value the identities assigned to them by neoliberal subjectivity—the role of the entrepreneur, for example. On this interpretation, the left’s possible error lies in clinging to outdated illusions. Moysés’s warning is highly relevant and resonates with arguments such as Naomi Klein and Astra Taylor’s “Apocalyptic Fascism and the Billionaires’ Bet.” Unlike a century ago, the far right no longer promises a radiant future. It concentrates instead on resentment—especially that of young men. “They belong to a generation that fears it may never own a home, but compensates with the pleasure it gets from constantly provoking progressives online. Convinced their future has been stolen, they share memes romanticizing historical authoritarian regimes,” the authors write. But Moysés seems to confuse this danger with inevitability. He fails to see that the left’s answer cannot be adaptation. On the contrary, it must strengthen the possibility of politics as collective action. Nor does he recognize that precisely such a reversal is already becoming possible in some of the most promising mobilizations of the twenty-first century: the election, at the end of 2025, of the young Muslim Zohran Mamdani as mayor of New York, on a platform centered on the intensely material fight for an affordable city; the Left Party’s victory in Berlin two weeks ago, built around the demand to expropriate private real-estate corporations; and the very recent wave of demonstrations in Spain—including an occupation of Madrid’s Puerta del Sol—in which tens of thousands of young people mobilized by the Tenants’ Union have demanded limits on rents. By putting itself in the straitjacket of the “fiscal framework” in the first months of 2022, Lula’s third government adopted the second fatal accommodation of its term. Faced with conservative institutions and a country devastated by four years of Bolsonaro, increased public investment was the government’s remaining weapon for offering a more dignified life to the majority and forging an anti-conservative pact with them. The same state that disburses 1 trillion reais a year to enrich a small class of rentiers could instead spend money to extend the Family Health Strategy to every Brazilian, at a cost of 30 billion reais; provide full-day public schooling and childcare to all adolescents and children—and, especially, relief to their mothers; achieve universal sanitation while cleaning up polluted urban rivers; multiply metro systems; begin transforming the urban peripheries; and undertake many other urgently needed projects. In April 2023, an article in Outras Palavras warned that the fiscal framework could “shrink the Lula government and preserve the forces that condemn the country to inequality and regression.” A year later, another article showed that restraints on public spending were strangling policies vital to ordinary people and undermining the president’s popularity. In November 2024 came a reality check, in the form of the government’s humiliating defeat in the municipal elections. Even then, the fiscal lock was neither removed nor loosened. On the contrary: throughout the government’s four years, fiscal restraint remained central to its political narrative. The administration proudly proclaimed that it had “put the state’s accounts in order,” without grasping either how misleading that phrase was—given the payment of 1 trillion reais in interest—or how badly the message was hurting it politically. Lula finally woke up in September 2026. The increase in Bolsa Família benefits, after four years of being frozen; the announcement that anti-obesity drugs would be offered through Brazil’s public health system; and the ban on online betting showed that the state has the power to act decisively on behalf of the majority when those in government are willing to confront obstacles. The huge marches that closed the campaign in Fortaleza, Salvador, Rio de Janeiro, and São Paulo on the eve of October 4 showed how such initiatives can mobilize activists and the broader public. But it was too late—and too little to change the outcome of the first round. History has not ended The possibility of a turnaround in the three weeks leading up to November 25 cannot be ruled out. It will not be simple or easy. Lula must not only make up a deficit of 2.2 million votes; he must also offset the movement of voters who backed other right-wing candidates in the first round, most of whom are likely to move toward Flávio Bolsonaro. Pulling that off will require a broad, grassroots effort to win over voters, potentially reinforced by new initiatives from Lula. The coming hours and days will be decisive. If Bolsonaro’s movement also wins the presidency, the result will create a high-risk situation for Brazilian sovereignty and democracy. The enormous challenges posed by such an outcome would require the left to reexamine, in depth and with a genuine willingness to engage in self-criticism, its political projects—or its lack of them—and its practices. But would that mean we are condemned to the long winter of far-right hegemony that some analyses are beginning to forecast? It is far too early to say, suggests a recent text by Álvaro García Linera, the thinker who served as vice president of Bolivia under Evo Morales. His central hypothesis is that this political current will prove short-lived. At a moment when the entire world is once again talking about sovereignty and protecting national economies, the far right offers a stale, recolonizing neoliberalism. Its submission to the United States is as blatant and pathetic as Flávio and Eduardo Bolsonaro’s overtures to Donald Trump. Its project amounts to something like every man for himself: greater inequality, capitalism without limits, devastation, and supremacism. Will it work? In the United States, just two years into his second term, Trump himself is reaching record levels of unpopularity and may be on the verge of losing Republican control of both the House and Senate in November. Every new beginning is difficult. Whatever the outcome of the second round, the defeats of October 4 show how profoundly the Brazilian left will have to rethink and rebuild. But just as it would be foolish to underestimate the seriousness of its mistakes, it would be equally foolish to conclude that rebuilding a political project is no longer possible. History has not ended. The times are moving faster than ever. Originally published in Portuguese by Outras Palavras. English translation by Eric Blanc; I’ve added the subtitles. More We can’t stop the far right at home or abroad without a revitalized labor movement, which is yet another reason why you should become a sustaining supporter of the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee (EWOC) — one of US labor’s pivotal bright spots. Relatedly, Jacobin published a short piece of mine reflecting on a decade of Bernie Sanders inspiring a whole new generation of young worker organizers.
Mamdani's Security Clearance Explained: Foreign Ties, Politics, and a 9-Month Wait
NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani got his security clearance after 9 months. Here's how foreign ties and political views affect the clearance process.
Can Mamdani's new plan bridge the divide with Jewish New Yorkers?
This week, Mayor Zohran Mamdani released a 33-page plan to combat antisemitism.
Mamdani's New Website Lets You Report Businesses That Violate Click-to-Cancel Rule
Fines start at $525.
Mamdani's business czar targets 'justice' instead
EDC head Anthony Shorris, entrusted with the indispensable, herculean task of promoting citywide business growth, sounds like he’s swallowed Zohran Mandani’s socialistic Kool-Aid.
NYC business leader says Mamdani rhetoric risks driving companies, jobs out of city
Partnership for New York City CEO Steven Fulop says Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s office denied reports of a planned campaign targeting CEOs but warns anti-business rhetoric, taxes and public safety concerns could push employers to leave New York.
Zohran Mamdani’s Campaign May Have Accomplished Something More Fundamental Than Moving Policy Debate to the Left
It’s the people, stupid.
Mayor Mamdani Opens New Bridge to Home Facility in Brooklyn, Expanding Path from Hospital Care to Permanent Housing
New York, NY – Today, Mayor Zohran Kwame Mamdani and NYC Health + Hospitals announced the opening of a new Bridge to Home facility in Brooklyn, expanding
Mamdani unveils strategy to combat antisemitism in New York City
New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani announced a strategy to combat antisemitism Tuesday, including tens of millions of dollars in funding for hate crime prevention and Jewish cultural centers.
Donald Trump’s Warm Zohran Mamdani Meetings Come With a Political Catch
President Donald Trump and New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani walked out of Gracie Mansion together after an hour-long sit-down. They also traded compliments in front of cameras even though their poli...
‘SNL’ pokes fun at Trump and Mamdani’s relationship
New York Knicks star guard Jalen Brunson hosted the Season 52 premiere of “SNL.” He talked about proving his “biggest doubters” wrong by leading his team to win the NBA championship. The episode also poked fun at President Donald Trump and New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s political relationship.
Can the Left Make America Fun Again?
Hi friends, I’ve got a piece in The New York Times today about how collective joy — participatory, youthful, anti-corporate — can defeat Trumpism and transform our lives. The basic argument is that politics used to be embedded in communal life: dances, sports leagues, union halls. As that infrastructure disappeared — and more of everyday life was atomized and privatized — politics became something broadcast at people rather than something they did together. NYC-DSA and Zohran provide another model, where socials and face-to-face organizing are tied to a fight vs the corporations that fenced off so much of the good life. Rebuilding that kind of collective fun, I argue, could help bring young people back into politics and, by redistributing America’s wealth, make everyday life more joyful. I would super appreciate it if you’d read the piece, share it, or post comments on it. Thank you! p.s. FYI, Opinion writers don’t get any say over their headlines! More Take action to support the fight of licensed deck officers at Alaska Tanker Company and Overseas Shipholding Group to win a first union contract. This is one of the most important, and underreported, unionization campaigns in America: these workers have a huge amount of power over domestic energy distribution and maritime supply chains, and they’re still without a contract two years after having voted overwhelmingly to unionize. Please sign the public petition here, and if you’re an academic you can sign this support letter.
Mamdani opens Met Opera to new audiences with 70,000 free tickets
Mayor Zohran Mamdani launched "Opera For All" with The Met Opera, providing free tickets to bring new audiences to performances.
Opinion | Mamdani, Burnham, and the changing US-UK relationship
With the rise of figures like New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani and British Prime Minister Andy Burnham, the “special relationship” is changing.
What's next for NYC delivery apps after Mamdani's $131.5M DoorDash win
Mayor Zohran Mamdani finished what Eric Adams started with DoorDash. Here's what's next in NYC's delivery app crackdown.
Watch Trump defend media ban in comments to press
President Trump spoke about his White House ban of some media outlets during his meeting with New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani. See what he said.
Florida Chamber’s free-enterprise roadshow rolls into Illinois
Gov. JB Pritzker finishes behind Zohran Mamdani for a tongue-in-cheek economic development honor.
Senator Rick Scott Says Zohran Mamdani Is Right About American Political System’s Failures — But ‘Dead Wrong’ on Socialism
Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.) said New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani is right that Washington has failed Americans but argued socialism is not the answer, calling instead for spending cuts, deregulation a...
Mamdani to host Trump at Gracie Mansion in New York
President Donald Trump is expected to meet today with New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani at the Gracie Mansion in Manhattan on the eve of the United Nations General Assembly. Follow for live updates.
Trump and Mamdani plan to meet in New York during the president's upcoming UN visit
President Donald Trump plans to meet with New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani when Trump travels to the city for the upcoming U.N. General Assembly | WWJ Newsradio 950
Trump set to meet with New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani on Monday
Mamdani’s office said the New York City mayor will meet with President Donald Trump at Gracie Mansion.
Mayor Zohran Mamdani to meet with President Trump in New York City
New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani will meet with President Donald Trump on Monday ahead of the United Nations General Assembly, Mamdani’s office said Sunday.
Mamdani Heralds ‘Pothole Politics’ in First Management Report
The report, which represents Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s first six months in office, shows improvements in some areas and challenges ahead in others.
Half of Voters Dislike Socialism Amid Progressive Wins, New Poll Finds
Zohran Mamdani, the New York City mayor and democratic socialist, was viewed more favorably than Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, a fellow high-profile member of the movement.
The rising power of American Muslims
Is this a new era for American Muslims?American Muslims are building their own cultural institutions – New York Magazine and The Guardian have reported on flourishing ecosystems of cafes, magazines, dance nights, meetups and readings for Muslims and/or people with heritage from the SWANA region. And on a political level, Muslims like Minnesota Representative Ilhan Omar and New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani have become prominent faces of the left. On the one hand, this swell of Muslims coming up in politics and building cultural institutions is not surprising – there are over 4 million Muslims in America. On the other hand, this shift is pretty significant given how deeply Islamophobia and racism are rooted in our culture. So what's changed for American Muslims in recent years, and what’s stayed the same? What does it mean that Muslims are accruing a little more political and cultural capital now, and that non-Muslims are noticing?To get deeper into it, Brittany is joined by Dr. Donna Auston, cultural anthropologist, and Dr. Tazeen Ali, scholar of Islam in America and associate professor of religion and politics at Washington University in St. Louis.Support public media with NPR+ and enjoy perks for over 25 podcasts like this one. This show’s perks include sponsor-free listening. Learn more at plus.npr.org.
The US right still paints Muslims as the ‘enemy’. But they are fighting for a brighter future for Americans
Progressive politicians such as Zohran Mamdani offer answers to the bitter post-9/11 legacy of failures at home and abroad, says Guardian columnist Nesrine Malik
Trump unloads on AOC, Mamdani for laughing during sacred 9/11 ceremony at Ground Zero
President Donald Trump called the moment "terrible" after video showed AOC and Zohran Mamdani appearing to laugh during the Ground Zero ceremony.
Brief 9/11 ceremony exchange between Mamdani, AOC sparks political backlash
A brief video of NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez at a 9/11 ceremony sparked backlash and debate over its context.
Mamdani draws fury from 9/11 mourners over Ground Zero appearance: ‘Disrespectful’
Footage captured Zohran Mamdani greeting Rudolph Giuliani at Ground Zero as victims' families and first responders criticize his 9/11 attendance.
Giuliani and Mamdani Shake Hands at 9/11 Memorial
Rudy Giuliani and NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani shook hands at Ground Zero during the 25th anniversary commemoration of 9/11.
Troves of new 9/11 docs suggest NYC officials knew of air quality health risks
“For too long, New Yorkers have had to fight for access to records that should have been available to them,” Mayor Zohran Mamdani said.
Government land-grab agenda hits key Senate race as Dem backs property takeovers echoing Mamdani
Maine Senate candidate Troy Jackson suggested the state should take over mobile home parks, echoing NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani's housing agenda.
NYC voters give Mamdani high marks, say mayor is doing better than expected
A new Suffolk University poll also finds New York voters disagree with GOP calls for Mayor Zohran Mamdani to stay away from 9/11 memorial.
Mamdani creates new DSA-inspired office to help NYC workers unionize: 'Concerning for small business'
Happy Labor Day from Hizzoner. Mayor Zohran Mamdani on Monday announced a new taxpayer-funded office — with an undisclosed price tag — that will help New York City workers...
On Labor Day, Mamdani creates new office focused on worker rights
The office will connect workers with information about their rights and worker organizations.
Built from scratch by immigrant parents, this NYC grocery store now faces Mamdani’s taxpayer-backed rival
Spanish Harlem meat market owner Josefina Aguirre is among NYC independent grocers suing Mayor Zohran Mamdani over his plan to open taxpayer-backed city-run grocery stores.
Whose names are worth the effort in politics?
From Kamala Harris to Zohran Mamdani, politicians are using name mispronunciation to marginalize their opponents.
Whose names are worth the effort in politics?
From Kamala Harris to Zohran Mamdani, politicians are using name mispronunciation to marginalize their opponents.
Mamdani to modernize NYC emergency planning, designate Sept. 11 day of service
Mayor Zohran Mamdani announced Friday that his administration plans to modernize New York City's nearly two-decade-old framework for keeping government
NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani says 9/11 memorial service should be about remembrance, not politics
Kevin O'Leary Says Zohran Mamdani's Biggest Advantage Comes Down to This 1 Hire
While the 'Shark Tank' star may disagree with the New York City mayor's politics, he says he supports one part of his strategy.
Hindu nationalist leader spurs protests ahead of New York City speech
This week, New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani publicly declared his opposition to the event.
How Zohran Mamdani ended up in a fight over Hindu nationalism
Mamdani has criticized a New York event featuring a leader of the Indian Hindu nationalist movement.
One question about the Constitution puts liberals’ appetite for sweeping change to the test
March on Washington activists called to abolish the Senate and rewrite the Constitution while pushing Zohran Mamdani-style socialist policies.
New York's business climate faces pressure under Mamdani tax proposals
NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani's business advisor Robert Wolf discusses the environment in New York City as Mamdani proposes a tax-the-wealthy plan. Wolf analyzes the impact of tax hikes on high-value real estate.
Zohran Mamdani’s business council includes the CEOs of Chobani and Etsy. But Wall Street and Big Tech turned him down
The democratic socialist mayor is bringing leaders from Chobani, Etsy, RXR and more to City Hall—but several prominent executives didn’t join.
Mamdani's government grocery store plan ‘disastrous’ for business owners, chamber of commerce official says
Greater New York Chamber of Commerce President and CEO Mark Jaffe, who is legal counsel and a founder of the Multicultural Business Coalition, says New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani's effort will be "disastrous" for business owners.
City rescinds hundreds of pied-à-terre tax letters
Mayor Zohran Mamdani is still banking on getting $500 million a year from the surcharge being rolled out.
Mamdani Persuades C.E.O.s to Join His Business Advisory Council
Mayor Zohran Mamdani, a democratic socialist who has struggled to win over Wall Street, intends to use the council to help him invigorate New York City’s economy.
Florida Chamber CEO: Companies eye Sunshine State 'from all over the country' after viral Mamdani billboard
A Rochester tech firm is among companies contacting the Florida Chamber of Commerce after its viral Times Square ad crowned Zohran Mamdani a top recruiter.
Why business owners are suing Zohran Mamdani
The initiative is one of Mamdani's main promises, with its first store expected to open in 2027. But why are some business owners against the move?
Zohran Mamdani Is Turning His Fire on Amazon
The socialist mayor has taken the retail giant to task over the status of delivery workers, the sale of illegal e-bikes and fines for idling vehicles.
NYC business group sues over Mamdani’s city-owned supermarkets
Multicultural Business Coalition Chairman Frank Garcia discusses his group’s lawsuit challenging Zohran Mamdani’s NYC-owned supermarket proposal on ‘Varney & Co.’
Big Apple targeted in lawsuit over Mamdani's government grocery store plans
New York City is facing a lawsuit challenging Mayor Zohran Mamdani's plan to open multiple government-tied grocery stores that offer discounted items.
How New Yorkers feel about Mamdani's city-run grocery stores
NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani plans to open five government-run stores. New Yorkers are skeptical about the plan — but they do want more affordable food.
Mamdani's grocery plan could bankrupt local bodegas, business leader warns
Multicultural Business Coalition chairman Frank Garcia discusses a lawsuit against New York City over Mayor Zohran Mamdani's $70 million government-run grocery plan.
Dana Perino: They’ve made it impossible for business owners to do business
‘The Five’ co-hosts discuss criticism of New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s plan to open five city-run grocery stores.
Speaker Menin calls push against Mayor Mamdani at 9/11 ceremony ‘absolutely inappropriate’
City Council Speaker Julie Menin on Wednesday rejected calls for Mayor Zohran Mamdani to stay away from the 25th anniversary commemoration of the Sept. 11
New York politician calls Mamdani’s tax list a ‘Scarlet Letter’
Fox News anchor Martha MacCallum has the latest backlash to NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s second home tax on ‘The Story.’
Mike Johnson taunts Hakeem Jeffries for losing Dems' civil war 'in his own backyard'
Speaker Mike Johnson says Democrats are in an "open civil war" after DSA-linked candidates backed by Zohran Mamdani toppled Jeffries' allies.
Mamdani’s ‘Bro’ Culture in City Hall: Sports, Memes, Nicknames for All
As much as Zohran Mamdani’s team runs on leftist idealism and social media hits, its style of governing also relies on humor, sports references and pop culture.
In Wisconsin, the Centrists Strike Back With David Crowley’s Win | WSJ Politics Newsletter for Aug. 12
Plus, President Trump secretly switched planes to leave Turkey last month, and Zohran Mamdani discovers that running New York isn’t that easy after all.
Bradley Tusk says ‘IT’S VERY HARD’ to support Mamdani amid anti-business climate
Tusk Ventures CEO Bradley Tusk weighs in on the impact of NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s policies on businesses.
Bradley Tusk warns Zohran Mamdani's anti-business policies hurt NYC jobs
Tusk Ventures CEO Bradley Tusk joins Stuart Varney to discuss New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani's anti-business policies in New York City. Tusk warns Mamdani's class warfare rhetoric chases away major employers and hurts local NYC jobs.
GOP senators rally behind 9/11 families in push to ban Mamdani from anniversary ceremony: 'He's a disgrace'
Republican senators back 9/11 families' petition to block Zohran Mamdani from attending the 25th anniversary remembrance ceremony at Ground Zero.
Mamdani takes aim at Amazon subcontracting model in multimillion-dollar delivery bill fight
Mayor Zohran Mamdani publicly threw his support Monday behind legislation that aims to reshape New York City’s last-mile delivery industry, escalating a fight
Lawsuit filed against Mamdani administration's rollout of pied-à-terre tax
Their lawyer is a high-profile critic of Mayor Zohran Mamdani: former First Deputy Mayor Randy Mastro.
Mamdani Wants to Form Business Panel With Ex-Lazard, UBS Bankers
Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s administration is asking a former top executive for UBS Group AG in the US, an ex-global head of investment banking at Lazard Inc. and Bank of America Corp.’s New York City president to be among the business leaders joining his administration’s advisory council.
Ken Griffin to stick with Park Ave. skyscraper plans despite Mamdani’s personal attack, anti-business policies
NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani Terminates Business Leaders Advising Multimillion-Dollar Mayor’s Fund
New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani is changing up what the Mayor’s Fund to Advance New York City advisory board will look like. On Monday, August 3, Bloomberg reported that the entire board of adviser...
Mamdani defends second home tax following deadline extension
Only the approximately 17,000 owners who got a letter needed to pay or prove an exemption.
Mamdani Offers 50 Ways to Aid Small Business, From Barbershops to Bingo
As a mayoral candidate, Zohran Mamdani focused on the difficulties of running a small business in New York City, coining the term “halalflation” in a viral video.
Mamdani Dismisses Business Leaders Advising NYC’s Mayor’s Fund
New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani dismissed the business and civic leaders who advised a multimillion-dollar fund that channels private donations into public programs, removing a longstanding group of corporate advisers from City Hall’s philanthropic arm.
If Not AOC, Then Who?
What do we do if Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez decides not to run for president in 2028? It makes sense that many leftists are currently focused on calling on her to take the plunge. But the absence of a Plan B, or even much discussion about one, is worrisome. The US Left can’t afford to sit out the 2028 Democratic primary. Doing so in 2024 was a disaster: our abstention self-marginalized anti-billionaire politics from the national conversation and thereby gave space for Harris to pivot to the “center” (i.e. the policy preferences of corporate donors, establishment hacks, and AIPAC). Abstaining again in 2028 would be especially counterproductive since democratic socialists now have so much wind in our sails after our big electoral wins in NYC and across the country. It’s time to deepen our momentum, organization, and profile — not to retreat to the margins during America’s single most important political battle. Even more urgently, keeping Trump’s heir out of the White House may depend on whether leftists and the party’s unprecedentedly disenchanted base can force the Democrats in 2028 to take meaningful steps towards a very angry electorate and away from the corporate-consultant blob that has helped get us into this mess. If AOC (or Abdul El-Sayed) decides to run, we should enthusiastically go all in — DSA, fighting unions, progressive organizations, anybody who wants to see a better country and world. But, as far as I can tell from the outside, there’s a real chance that she doesn’t run. And we can’t just wait and see where she lands before discussing alternatives, since AOC’s decision might not come for quite a while, giving us little time to scramble at the last minute for an alternative. So we should start working now on getting a Plan B into motion, and recruiting a good candidate for the role. Here’s one idea. A Worker Candidate — Healthcare Not Warfare 2028 Run a union worker Leftists don’t need to always run experienced, well-known socialist politicians for high-profile contests. Lula, the current president of Brazil, began his political career as a metalworker militant who ran for governor of São Paulo in 1982. Especially in an era of institutional distrust, it’s possible to lean hard into making a virtue out of a working-class comrade’s distance from traditional politics. Experience abroad shows this clearly. Rachel Kéké — an immigrant hotel housekeeper — ran as the candidate of the leftist La France Insoumise for the National Assembly in 2022, defeating a former minister in the Macron government. The Belgian Workers’ Party in 2024 won its first Flemish seat in the European Parliament by running Rudi Kennes, a three-decade veteran of the Opel Antwerp auto factory. And the South Korean left in 2024 elected auto factory militant Yoon Jong-oh to the National Assembly. If a tiny French Trotskyist organization could make such a big splash in 2002 and 2007 by running a well-spoken postal worker cadre for office — the LCR’s Olivier Besancenot received about 1.5 million first-round votes — it’s not far-fetched to expect that a much larger organization like DSA, together with a broader coalition of the willing, could run this playbook to much greater effect. This is especially the case now that almost everything DSA does immediately becomes a national news story. We don’t need someone famous. We just need a charismatic, well-vetted comrade who works in a relatable working-class occupation — e.g. a nurse, or a worker in auto or construction, or at Amazon. Ideally, they have a compelling personal story or have been part of a significant strike or organizing campaign, but even those criteria don’t necessarily have to be deal-breakers. The main lesson of the Graham Platner fiasco isn’t that we should never run outsiders for office (the momentum he generated proves the exact opposite), but that they need proper vetting and roots in democratic membership organizations like DSA or a union. In any case, there are plenty of ways to signal working-class authenticity without resorting to Platner’s or Fetterman’s performative macho white dude affect. Better to have someone of any gender or race who is actually working class, with firm socialist politics, who can speak from experience about the day-to-day realities of trying to make it in America. There are surely at least a dozen such worker leaders in our movement nationwide; we just need to sit down and convince one that their personal sacrifice for the greater good (i.e. running for president) will be worth it. If we don’t have a frontrunner with a clear path to victory like AOC (or El-Sayed, were he to win Michigan), it’s better to embrace someone whose decision to run in itself tells an important story about US politics: workers have been iced out of our political system and are now fighting hard to break back in. The novelty factor, in itself, would generate press. And it would help democratic socialists signal to the American public that our movement’s defining characteristic is that we represent workers vs. bosses, not that we’re “the furthest left” force in American politics — a framework that suggests we’re extremists and that helps our opponents isolate us from non-college-educated voters by highlighting extremely minoritarian (and misguided) stances included in DSA’s platform like prison abolition. We don’t get many opportunities to speak to tens of millions of Americans; we need to use these opportunities to broaden our appeal beyond those already in our orbit. Run to polarize the 2028 primary and general election around “Medicare for All” and “End All Aid to Israel” Why should democratic socialists use our scarce time and volunteer energy to run in a race we’re unlikely to win? Running in the 2028 primary will not only recruit us scores of members (imagine having a DSA member intervening in eleven nationally televised primary debates!), but — more importantly — it has the potential to be a decisive leap forward towards an America that finally starts meeting the needs of working people instead of HMO and AIPAC billionaire donors. Polarizing litmus tests are good, actually — as long as they’re fought for around popular demands in a thoughtful and strategic way. Democratic socialists have an opportunity and responsibility to make the 2028 primary about two of the most widely and deeply felt issues of our moment: domestically, America’s unaffordable, family-breaking private healthcare system; internationally, America’s bankrolling of the genocidal Israeli government. A candidacy relentlessly demanding Medicare for All and No Aid to Israel would pose a sharp question to the American public, the Democratic Party, and other 2028 contenders: Why can’t working-class Americans afford their healthcare bills at the same time that our government is spending at least $3.8 billion yearly to fund an Israeli regime eager to keep dragging us and the world into more forever wars? Our candidate can agitate around a clear message: I’m running to give voice to all those working-class Americans who are struggling to get by. No matter what state you live in, who you voted for in 2024, or your background, it’s just plain common sense that we should make healthcare more affordable instead of spending billions to enable the Israeli government’s crimes against humanity. Every American who agrees with me when I say ‘Medicare for All — Not a Dime for Israel’ should make their voice heard through our campaign. Racking up a high number of votes for this agenda is a crucial way to show the Democratic Party and the country as a whole that we can’t keep supporting a life-destroying status quo in our healthcare system and in the Middle East. If we want to defeat Trump’s handpicked crony this coming November, we need to speak to ordinary people’s frustrations with the status quo — we can’t keep running the same tired establishment playbook and expecting a different result. For those highly engaged voters (or skeptical media pundits) who raise concerns about wasting votes, the candidate can take the time to explain why this isn’t the case: It's true I'm a long shot. But Zohran showed anything can happen — and voting for me is a pragmatic decision, not a wasted vote. In a heavily divided primary with a large number of candidates and a very discredited establishment, my campaign and the democratic socialist movement I’m part of are positioned to be the balance of power if we can get a large enough number of voters to loudly demand Healthcare Not Warfare. Since there’s a high chance no candidate will get to 50% in the 2028 primaries, the Democrats could very well be heading towards a brokered convention, where a disciplined, principled current committed to breaking from corporate donors can play an outsized role in making sure whoever ends up with the nomination raises the banner of single-payer healthcare and cutting aid to Israel. How exactly could running this sort of primary campaign be translated into actual leverage? The candidate replies: I’m aiming to win the nomination, but if I don’t achieve that goal, my delegates and I will pledge our support in the primary only for a candidate who agrees in the general election to call for ending US aid to Israel and establishing Medicare for All at home. These are both winning planks for November against the Republicans, and the only reason I can see that other candidates haven’t yet raised these is that they’re still more scared of the donor class than they are of the people. That needs to change. If Democratic leaders want young people, workers, and those sick of the status quo to show up in big numbers this November, they need to meet us halfway. In this way, whether or not we win the nomination, democratic socialists could still play a decisive role in 2028. The approach outlined here is similar to what radical left parties periodically do in parliamentary democracies like Denmark or Sweden when they find themselves as a junior partner electorally: they dictate to center-left allies what their terms would be for enabling, from the outside, the formation of a new government. Running a Healthcare Not Warfare candidate will make it significantly more likely that the 2028 Democratic candidate stands with ordinary people instead of donors on these two pivotal planks — a shift that will, in turn, make it easier to achieve the existentially important task of defeating MAGA’s heir in November. Look at how much popular traction the Uncommitted movement got with a similar strategy in 2024 with so little on-the-ground organization — surely we can go much further with a working-class candidate, a much bigger DSA, and a Democratic Party base that has turned against Israel, billionaires, and the hacks in the party who prop them up. Objections and Responses There are quite a few objections to this proposal, many of which are very reasonable. Let me briefly address each here. Socialists shouldn’t waste their scarce time and resources on a candidate unlikely to win. This is a good rule in general, but there are important exceptions, and presidential elections are the main one. There’s no other political contest that gets anything like this level of attention and engagement in the US, so if you want to be a serious force in nationwide politics, you basically can’t afford not to have a candidate. Far from being an overall drain on our resources, running a dynamic 2028 campaign would likely result in a major net increase in members and capacity. In that spirit, the very pragmatic Milwaukee sewer socialists — who mostly ran to win at home in Wisconsin — supported Eugene Debs’s propagandistic presidential campaigns, which they correctly saw as a crucial means of recruiting to the Socialist Party. And now that the (post-1972) Democratic Party gives more weight to voters than party operatives in determining its presidential nomination, it’s become feasible to run as a socialist in primaries without risking a split in the vote against the Republicans in November. We should just support Ro Khanna, who also supports M4A and ending aid to Israel. I like Ro Khanna and would enthusiastically vote and canvass for him for president were he to get the nomination. But there’s a real chance that Khanna’s bid for office doesn’t catch on; he lacks the grassroots organizational apparatus of DSA, and, because he’s not really of the Left or labor (despite his current very good positions), he’s unlikely to generate the type of buy-in and enthusiasm that a DSA candidate would. Moreover, Khanna would be running as an individual, not as someone emerging from and building an organized movement — his campaign would not likely focus on building sustained power from below, nor would it likely polarize the 2028 primary around M4A and Israel aid. Also, and not inconsequentially, the poor electoral results for Tom Steyer and Saikat Chakrabarti this spring suggest that there’s perhaps not much of a popular appetite in the Democrats’ base to support multi-millionaire class traitors. Much better, then, to run a democratic socialist worker. If by Super Tuesday it’s clear that our campaign has captured the main left lane in the primary, Khanna should drop out and endorse us; conversely, if he’s managed to capture this lane, DSA could at that point transform its Healthcare Not Warfare campaign into an independent campaign to elect Ro Khanna focused on winning (and holding him accountable to) those two critical planks. An openness to consolidating an anti-corporate candidate by Super Tuesday is a necessary component of the strategy I’m proposing, because otherwise we risk splitting the primary votes (per DNC rules, you need at least 15% to get any delegates to convention). We should convince Shawn Fain or Sara Nelson to run for president instead. I agree it’d be great if either ran for president, but my impression is that there’s basically no chance that will happen in 2028, because both are firmly focused on their union leadership duties (and, in the case of Fain, beating back a federal witch-hunt). This plan could have DSA end up endorsing a non-socialist, non-DSAer for president. That’s against our principles. It’s a myth, and bad politics, that socialists can’t ever support candidates who aren’t members of their organization and/or who don’t call themselves socialists. Bernie, after all, was not a DSAer. And socialists abroad regularly make tactical decisions about if and when supporting a non-socialist candidate makes sense from the standpoint of promoting working-class interests, defending democracy, and building a socialist current in the process. If your “principles” prevent you and DSA from helping achieve the momentous stride forward of having a Democratic candidate in 2028 run on Medicare for All and ending aid to Israel, those “principles” are not very good. In fact, they actively undermine the causes they’re aiming to support. We shouldn’t confuse principles (working-class independence) with tactics (the best way to advance this in a given context). In my recent article in Catalyst on Milwaukee sewer socialism (I’ve uploaded the full text here), I have a section showing how similarly rigid rules about endorsements had to be eventually discarded in the old Socialist Party nationwide after WWI because they tended to lead socialists towards a sectarian abstention from broader anti-corporate electoral insurgencies beyond their party’s control. For what it’s worth, Lenin’s current under Tsarism frequently backed bourgeois candidates in the second round of elections and Lenin himself advocated that British Communists support Labour Party candidates; for his part, Kautsky in 1912 defended the German Social Democracy’s electoral pact with the Progressives in the runoffs. If our predecessors could be that tactically flexible in an era before the limits of their underlying strategic assumptions about intransigent class politics in capitalist democracies were made clear, then there’s no need to insist on being more tactically rigid today, after a century’s worth of accumulated experience. As long as you maintain your own political profile and organization while engaging in broader coalitional efforts, there’s zero inherent contradiction with the principle of political independence. More specifically: DSA and allied organizations should enthusiastically back Michigan’s Abdul El-Sayed if AOC declines to run and he throws his hat in the presidential ring. (I have no idea whether he’s even considering this path, but there’ll surely be chatter about it if he wins his Senate race this November.) Though he doesn’t call himself a socialist, El-Sayed is a principled Berniecrat, a consistent fighter for Palestine, and would have a clear path to victory. Using the “s” word is far less important than whether a campaign fights for the interests of working people at home and abroad — and whether actively participating in it can grow the organized working class and the Left. And the same holds true if a less anti-corporate candidate were, under pressure, to adopt our two Healthcare Not Warfare planks. Why focus only on M4A and ending US aid to Israel? There are so many other important issues to fight for! Obviously there are many pivotal issues beyond healthcare and Israel, and our candidate — and especially our organizations involved in the campaign — should be prepared to speak on all of these. But one of the crucial lessons of the Zohran campaign is that you have to relentlessly stay on message if you want to cut through the noise. CNN and Fox News will want to talk about DSA’s views on Venezuela and abolishing the police; we need to polarize the debate on the widely and deeply felt issues that are most favorable for growing the Left, isolating our opponents, and winning urgently needed changes. One recent poll found 63% of Americans support M4A, even after respondents were told it would raise taxes and eliminate most private insurance. Another found that 74% of Democrats opposed “providing additional economic and military support to Israel.” And focusing on two demands sets the campaign up to be able to leverage its mandate to make clear demands upon other candidates (which we can’t do if we run with a laundry list of demands). Talking about a Plan B is a distraction from the more urgent work of building a groundswell of calls on AOC to run. It’s good for DSAers, fightback unionists, and progressive organizations to try to convince AOC to run. This proposal is meant as an addendum to pushes to get AOC to run and to line DSA up for that eventuality, not as a substitute for those efforts. But I’m worried that, like in 2024, we might eventually find ourselves with no time to find a viable alternative unless we start now. DSA, with its abundant deliberative processes, moves slowly. The approach you’re suggesting seems risky. If a DSA candidate runs but doesn’t receive a lot of votes, it’ll undercut our current national momentum. This is a reasonable worry. All big initiatives always carry risks, and the path I’m advocating is certainly not free of these. That said, if a Healthcare Not Warfare campaign doesn’t catch on like we envisioned, it’s a pretty simple pivot in March 2028 to explain that in the future we really need our standard-bearers like AOC, or our growing bench of national electeds, to step up in presidential primaries. Moreover, it’s worth noting that the risk of my Plan B proposal is on the whole significantly less than the risk entailed by an AOC run. We should all back her if she runs, since she’d fire up the base, provide huge openings for organizing, have a real shot at defeating a Republican (especially given MAGA’s unpopularity), be a great standard-bearer for our issues, particularly M4A and ending aid to Israel, and be less willing than mainstream candidates to capitulate to any anti-democratic machinations from Trump and co. But it’s also true that AOC could lose, which would be a devastating setback to the country and the Left. Or she could win and find herself unable to pass much, if any, of her (and our) program, a demoralizing prospect. So if we’re willing to take these risks with AOC (and we should), it follows that we should be able to take lower-level risks if she doesn’t throw her hat in the ring. What’s Your Plan B? The US Left is facing its biggest opening for growth and influence since the 1930s. Initiatives that would have been impossible a few months ago are now potentially feasible. A President AOC is now easier to imagine, but if she ultimately assesses that the risks aren’t worth the potential reward in 2028, we can’t be left flat-footed. So even if you’re not convinced by the specifics of my Plan B, I hope you can at least agree that it’d be a disaster for us not to have one — and not to start getting a Plan B into motion. Hopefully other organizers and political currents will put forward their responses and alternative ideas ASAP. The stakes are too high to just wait and see. More As always, please share this article widely. This newsletter depends on all you lovely people to get the word out. Thank you! I uploaded the full text of my Catalyst article on Milwaukee sewer socialism here (it’s updated and 3x as long as the version published earlier on this substack). If you haven’t yet, please make sure to subscribe to Catalyst here; I read every issue front to back, highly recommend. 🌹🎵 Ivan Lins (arranged by Arthur Verocai) — “General da Banda” 🌹🎵
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Andy Burnham and the rise of ‘aura farming’ in politics
Is “aura farming” the new political superpower? There are some days in TV news when you find yourself standing in the middle of a farm, surrounded by baby goats, trying to explain internet slang. Subscribe This was one of those days. There I was, in wellies, trying to unpack aura farming - a Gen Z term for carefully cultivating your image online so that you look effortlessly cool, authentic and charismatic. The trick, apparently, is that it can’t look like you’re trying too hard. Which, I’ll admit, felt slightly ironic as we filmed an entire report on a farm purely because the word farming is in the title. ‘Shaped by algorithms’ Whether you like it or not, politics increasingly feels like it’s being shaped by algorithms as much as manifestos. Take Andy Burnham. Since arriving at Number 10, he’s been impossible to miss online. One minute he’s out for a casual jog with Mo Farah. Next he’s announcing policy alongside TikTok high priestess Bus Aunty. His social media paints a very deliberate picture: less polished Westminster operator, more bloke from the North who just happens to be running the country. It’s not accidental. Burnham’s “King of the North”, New Order-loving persona has become part of a carefully constructed political brand. Authenticity is now something politicians work incredibly hard to make look effortless. But Burnham isn’t inventing this playbook. Like so many of us doomscrolling on an evening, he’s been influenced online. The digital strategy of New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani, pictured above right, has become a case study in viral political communication, and some of the people behind that campaign have recently been advising the Labour Party in Britain. Their message is simple: if you want to reach younger voters, you need to show up where they already spend their time. Embracing content creators And increasingly, that doesn’t mean traditional news interviews (awkward). It means speaking to content creators like Max from The Career Ladder, whose channels reach around 20 million followers worldwide. His interview with Burnham, pictured below, was posted almost immediately after he became Prime Minister. What struck me wasn’t just the audience size, but something Max told me afterwards: many people in the comments said they’d discovered Britain had a new Prime Minister through his interview. Think about that for a moment. Not through rolling news. Not through newspapers. Through a creator they were already following while scrolling. Share That’s a profound shift in how political information reaches people, one that’s been gathering momentum for some time. It also explains why politicians are embracing content creators and spending millions on digital marketing. Of course, this isn’t unique to one party. ‘Personality before policy’ In many ways, the right were quicker off the mark in building their aura online. Donald Trump built much of his political identity on social media. Nigel Farage remains one of Britain’s strongest political performers on TikTok. Politicians across the spectrum now understand that personality often reaches people before policy does. During a six-week UK general election campaign alone, overall digital ad spending routinely tops £11m. Share Channel 4 News Former Number 10 social media adviser Andrew Wong put it well when he told me that “vibes” can help someone get noticed, but they only work if they’re rooted in a genuine personality. Force it, and audiences spot it instantly. The bigger question is whether internet charisma can backfire on you - especially when you’re Prime Minister. Because behind Burnham’s carefully curated videos is a veteran politician with decades of Westminster experience. The spontaneity is produced. While the authenticity may be genuine, it’s managed. That’s not necessarily a criticism. It’s simply the reality of modern political communication. Aura farming alone is not enough to harvest change. But in the age of algorithms, winning attention may be the first battle. Subscribe Share Channel 4 News Leave a comment
Mamdani warning to wealthy New Yorkers about 'fair share' sparks online firestorm: 'Full blown communist'
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In new video, Mamdani acknowledges he doesn’t have authority to arrest Netanyahu
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